World

The month-long general strike in Bolivia follows decades of both mass-resistance against neoliberal economic programs, as well as the failure of the reformist politics led by former presidents Morales and Arce. Understanding the dynamics behind the 2003 and 2005 uprisings, as well as the response to the 2019 coup and the MAS's fall from grace, is key to Bolivia's future

For the first time in its history, the BJP has won the state elections of West Bengal, a state where until 2016, it did not control a single assembly seat. Not only did the BJP win the elections, it swept the polls securing 208 seats in the assembly of 294 seats, with a vote share of over 45% of all votes polled. The unprecedented rise of the BJP appears to defy all logic and the unique history of the state, yet this reality is rooted in the political developments in India and West Bengal since 2014. The BJP’s victory in West Bengal was not an overnight or sudden phenomenon but years in the making, with certain key events propelling these changes forward. The consequences of this victory are yet to be fully seen, but we may get a hint of what’s to come from statements made by BJP ministers, supporters and the actions of BJP cadres on the ground.

On May 14, the U.S. Supreme Court “kicked the can down the road” on medical abortion, saving some votes for Trump cronies in the mid-term elections but signaling to the rest of us that tele-health prescribing of mifepristone remains in danger. The Court decided that a lower-court decision from Louisiana that required patients, including those living in states with complete abortion bans, to visit a doctor’s office to get a mifepristone prescription would remain “paused.”  In the meantime, the issue would continue to be litigated in the lower courts and the part of the Republican base that remains pro-abortion would not be stirred up before voting. This maneuver has allowed the high court to expediently delay, but be ready use its powers to further erode the availability of reproductive health care when it is more politically convenient.

The annulment decision targeting a CHP party congress and the attempts to reinstall former chair Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu at the head of the party through the judiciary, acting on orders from Erdoğan's Palace like a court-appointed guardian, is proof that the institutions and constitutional order of the bourgeois regime in Türkiye have ceased to function even at a symbolic level. The Supreme Election Council (YSK), which since 1950 existed as the guarantor of electoral security within bourgeois democracy, has now become a direct apparatus of the Palace judiciary. What we face is not a legal process but a political coup; therefore, these decisions are illegitimate. Yet merely stating this does not solve the problem. The solution lies in organizing a broader and more radical united struggle rising from the streets.

On May 18, 2026, crowds mobilized by the Bolivian Workers’ Confederation, the Tupak Katari Peasants’ Union Federation of La Paz, the Urban and Rural Teachers’ Federations of La Paz, the Federation of Factory Workers, and other sectors, as well as the “For Life to Save Bolivia” march organized by Evo Morales’s supporters, converged from the city of El Alto and other areas around Plaza Murillo, the seat of the Bolivian government and Congress, surrounding the plaza for about four hours amid clashes with the police, which brutally repressed the demonstration. The central slogan of the day was “Rodrigo Paz Pereira Must Resign!” 

The Zionist “National Security” Minister Ben-Gvir has already visited other activists kidnapped from flotillas last year; this is not the first time, and he always displays a sadistic pleasure in humiliating them. Some dare to shout “Free Palestine,” which costs them further physical and psychological abuse. That is what was seen just now against an Irish woman, whom Ben-Gvir himself shoved to force her to kneel. The scenes are truly bizarre: 428 people forced to kneel, with their heads on the ground and plastic zip ties tightened around their hands. As part of the torture, they were forced to listen to the Zionist anthem. “Welcome to Israel!” Ben-Gvir sneered. He was mimicking another minister, Transport Minister Miri Regev, who also posted a video on her social media with the image of the hostages from the flotilla in the background. The attempt to reverse the diplomatic crisis and global condemnation—with several countries such as France, Italy, Canada, and the Netherlands announcing they would recall Israeli ambassadors, a gesture of reprimand and a sign of diplomatic discontent—was to present Ben-Gvir as an “extremist,” an exception. Nothing could be further from the truth.

since the beginning of US-Israeli aggression towards Iran, there is still no clearly defined plan. There is a fragile ceasefire that has lasted one month, with three possible outcomes: a medium- or long-term agreement, renewed military actions, or a type of prolonged "cold war", alternating between both military actions and sanctions and negotiations.

May 20th marks the 30th anniversary of the death of Akın Reçber; the Fourth Red Rose (Turkish: Dördüncü Kızıl Gülü) of May Day 1996, who died on May 20, 1996 as a result of the brutal torture he endured in police custody. Despite the brutal torture, Akın Reçber resisted to the end, and for thirty years his courage and determination have continued to live on in our struggle.

Well before Magyar took office, the LGBTQI+ rights and labor movements won significant victories against Orban. Securing those victories will require Hungarian workers to get ready to face the new boss

The meeting underscores what a segment of the global left denies: the Trump-Xi Jinping summit is a meeting between the world’s two leading imperialist powers. And this is far more significant than Trump’s last visit, during his first term.

The uprising encompasses multiple social sectors united in the streets. What began as a list of economic demands has turned into a unanimous call for the resignation of President Rodrigo Paz: Bolivian Workers’ Confederation (COB): on indefinite general strike, demanding real wage increases in the face of devaluation. Peasant and Indigenous Unions: The ‘Túpac Katari’ Federation maintains a total blockade of roads in the Altiplano. Peasants from the Amazon marched on foot for 24 days toward the capital. The Red Ponchos: The historic Aymara indigenous movement from the province of Omasuyos has joined the mass mobilizations through indefinite road blockades, strategic encirclements, and fierce resistance in the Altiplano region and at the main access points to the cities of El Alto and La Paz. Miners and Teachers: Massive columns of miners marched through downtown La Paz, while teachers brought educational activities to a standstill, demanding budget improvements. Marches by social sectors toward the seat of government: Popular formations are walking from Oruro to besiege the capital.

Nearly 5000 protesters assembled in Montgomery, Ala., on Saturday, May 16, as part of the emergency mobilization dubbed All Roads Lead to the South.  The Montgomery rally followed the recreation of a segment of the first Selma to Montgomery march of 1965, when 600 protesters were attacked by state troopers on the Edmund Pettis Bridge in Selma, an event that has come to be known as “Bloody Sunday.”  Faith leaders, politicians, and activists joined figures like the “oldest living foot soldier” from that original crossing, 84-year-old Annie Mae Avery, and Sheyann Webb-Christburg, who was an eight-year-old participant and victim of the police assault. These mobilizations were a response to the Supreme Court’s April 29 ruling on the case of Louisiana v. Callais, which granted Louisiana the right to gerrymander voting districts to make Black representation to Congress nearly impossible. Within days of the verdict, other white Southern state governors and legislators rushed to use the ruling to squash the electoral voice of the Black community. This includes efforts in Alabama, Tennessee, and South Carolina.

For working-class people, the crisis of affordability has become more dire. Prices have been rising, rents are out of control, and many people work more than one job just to run in place. Many young workers are saddled with high debt from student loans. It’s not lost on them that the government, which is quick to bail out banks and corporations, has done nothing to help them. The Affordability Agenda highlights the basic bread and butter questions that form the affordability crisis, calling for affordable housing, good well-paying jobs and an end to wage stagnation, affordable universal needs such as “child care with fair provider wages, free school meals and expanded food assistance alongside anti-gouging measures.” The Agenda also calls for free higher education, comprehensive health care for all, free public transit, and publicly controlled utilities. While the planks in this program are both correct and supportable, there are limitations. If there is one lesson of the recent gutting of the Voting Rights Act, it is that no reform, no matter how hard won it might be, is permanent as long as capitalism continues to exist.

After ten days of being held captive and subjected to torture and abuse at the hands of the genocidal state of Israel, the coordinators of the Global Sumud Flotilla (GSF), Thiago Ávila and Saif Abukeshek, were finally released this week and were able to return to Brazil and Spain, respectively. The crowd that greeted them highlighted the strength of the international mobilization and the relief felt, in Thiago’s words upon his arrival, at the “rectification of a violation.”

How can we defend unconditional support for the Palestinian liberation struggle—including the right to resistance—within the space of bourgeois democracy, especially when the government seeks precisely to suppress that support? The answer lies neither in adapting to the rules of the game nor in an abstract rejection of the legal arena. It is possible—and necessary—to use the very contradictions of bourgeois democracy against it. How can revolutionaries and those in solidarity with the Palestinian struggle use the formal freedoms of bourgeois democracy—freedom of speech, assembly, and the press; due process of law—to defend the right to self-determination, which includes, as the UN itself recognizes, “the struggle by all available means, including armed struggle”? This is the central contradiction we face. On the one hand, liberal democracies have been passing laws that equate anti-Zionism with anti-Semitism, criminalizing BDS, banning slogans like “from the river to the sea,” and persecuting activists. On the other hand, we know that abandoning the legal arena means abandoning the working class and the youth to repression without defense.

Around the world, Zionist organizations have been leading a charge against free speech based on cynical, false charges of antisemitism.