Everyone agrees that the closure case against the HDP (People’s Democratic Party (Kurdish party in alliance with some socialist groups)) is of critical importance, together with its causes and consequences. Of course, when the problem is the “Kurds” and the Kurdish political movement, it is inevitable for the historical reflexes of Turkish nationalism to take action!
By Hakkı Yükselen – March 24, 2021
This policy has well-known basic and general reasons. As well as being very important to have current causes: the growing role and the key positions of HDP in Turkey’s politics, political potential, Kurdish voters open call to be the first choice, the opposition attitude to the presidential regime and there may be mentioned many current cases. In addition to these, developments in Syria-Rojava should also be taken into account.
When it comes to elections …
However, today there is a more specific, focused, current reason for the operation of the HDP to shut down or render it dysfunctional: The government has to do what it does and win the next elections. Of course, this “any other normal” alone can be regarded as a natural and democratic goal. After all, when one says “election”, the first thing that comes to mind is “democracy” or something. However, in today’s conditions, almost everyone is aware that this is not the case. “Elections” increasingly likely means more dangerous in Turkey! Commonsense, the Palace regime which is under a crise, to win elections (no matter what cost) (and, furthermore, to not go in case of loss) for the line can relive a bloody process similar to Turkey in November 2015 elections. In other words, the bad prospects for the upcoming period are not limited to election frauds, irregularities or violations of the law, as usual. By “danger” we mean more. The operation against the HDP should also be handled in this context.
It is not difficult to predict that such an “election campaign” will not be limited to the Kurds, Kurdish politics and their allies, this time will go “beyond the border” and will turn towards all opponents who do not surrender. Organizing such an “election” process (as in 2015) may also be deemed necessary in order to keep the power’s increasingly melting supporters in place and bring back those who left. We have previously said that while the government’s influence on society, credibility, ideological power, material and political possibilities are diminishing, it is trying to radicalize and militanize its core mass even more, to form the most reactionary alliance possible, and to keep a wider periphery by its side by “frightening”. In the same context, we also stated that he would intimidate the opposition public segments he declared as “terrorist and non-national”.
Looking at the course from this point of view, immediately after the HDP’s closure case, the cancellation of the Istanbul Convention (Convention that protects women rights), taking Gezi Park (which became the symbol of the social-mass opposition to the government in the 2015 rebellion and Erdogan never forgot this) from the municipality and to give it to a religious foundation (A foundation established in the name of a sultan who died in 1512, but in reality it is not an active foundation), the reasons for the illegal, extremely arbitrary actions and the attitude that invite their opponents to a conflict are also understood. In the same context, we can mention the preparations in the ranks of the fascist movement, which has a historical experience with such processes, the re-supply of some known “contraist” types. At this point, the MHP (Nationalist Movement Party-Erdogan’s ally fascist party), which has strengthened its influence and staffing in the state, has gained a leading-guiding-determining position within the regime, especially by taking advantage of the stuckness of the Palace and with some of its allies it appears to be preparing to transform the regime in a worse direction.
Is everything planned?
It can be argued whether all this is a process that has been carefully calculated and planned by a staff at the top of the government, with all its stages and consequences, and even more, whether someone’s “Necip Fazılcı” (Islamist-fascist) dreams are now due steps and results. All indications show that there is an “intention” that aims to win the election by all kinds of illegitimate means and to protect the net of material interests that the regime politically represents. However, it is clear that the government has entered a period full of setbacks and difficulties that had not been thought of before, with the effect of the economic and social crisis: It has significantly lost its ability to rule with ordinary tools, its self-confidence and its credibility. There is no trace of its old “credibility”. For a long time, it has been trying to move forward both in domestic and foreign policy with groping and instant calculations. But this situation does not give the opposition any automatic chance of success. It is obvious that nothing can be solved spontaneously and by using political and legal institutions and methods that have been completely discharged from now on. The old regime has changed a lot! The government is also aware of the daring and limits of action of the “orderly” opposition. This is why it can take some steps so easily and do things that are said to be unable.
In this case, it is clear that the bourgeois opposition (in an environment where even the “bourgeois legality” is no longer valid) hopes for elections to be held at this or that time and tries to convince the working people of this country that it has nothing to do with reality. The rulership will continue its dangerous journey, even though it is sometimes like a “rogue mine” as far as it can. We have to understand that things that seem “unreasonable” have a different logic in themselves. It should not be forgotten that this “logic” could get things out of control and give serious consequences for both the government and the opposition that cannot be calculated today. It is known that such powers weaken, darken their eyes and embark on uncertain adventures both inside and outside.
There is no realm of “foolishness”!
All this reveals that the problem must be handled in a revolutionary manner and beyond a “democratic parliamentary foolishness” for the working class, the working people and the political sections that claim to represent them. The bourgeois opposition’s longing for a “return to the past” should not be shared. This struggle can only be won outside the boundaries drawn by the bourgeois opposition to the extent that it can be transformed into a social struggle; because real power balances are formed only in the social sphere, in the sphere of class struggles. It is essential to put forward a planned, programmed, organized, independent and united worker alternative. No revolutionary struggle, even within its short-term goals, has succeeded by following the “bourgeois democrats” and taking shelter in their shadow.
What needs to be done is not to be complacent by looking at the power loss and deadlocks. It is to try to fulfill the class tasks that history has presented to us by considering the worst possibilities. In doing so, we must not underestimate the enemy class power for any reason. As Trotsky emphasized, Lenin “when solving a problem of strategy, first fills it with the determination and insight of the enemy”. In other words, he did all his calculations without underestimating his enemy, on the assumption that he was determined and insightful just like himself. The ideas of the great revolutionaries and the historical experiences of revolutions become even more important at such times when hope and consciousness are most needed.