The international economic crisis is getting deeper and deeper. At the same time, also the very tough attacks that corporations and government deliver on the workers of the whole world trying to download the cost of the crisis onto our shoulders so as to recover lost benefits.
Workers are the only ones who cannot be blamed for the outburst of the crisis and yet we are those who suffer the worst consequences of it. While government pay billions of dollars to help banks and corporations in trouble, not a single cent of all that money will find it way to workers’ pockets. Thus there can be no doubt as to what the capitalists mean when they talk about “sharing the costs of the crisis”.
Governments and corporations attack
Evidently, massive layoffs and a terrific increase of unemployment constitute the main attack delivered against the workers. International organisms have estimated that in the first phase of the crisis alone there would be an increase of 50 000 000 unemployed in the world. But the 2008 and 2009 data for USA, Europe, China, Brazil and other countries indicate that this figure is very likely to be surpassed by a broad margin. Together with the massive layoffs, companies take advantage of the increase of unemployment and the ghost joblessness to demand that their workers should accept lower wages, loss of previous achievements, the application of such systems as the “bank of hors”, etc.
Bourgeois governments, including those of imperialist countries, not only support but also encourage corporations to adopt such policies. While Embraer was dismissing 4200 workers in Brazil, the Lula administration continued financing the company with credits that the official bank, BNDES, grants to those who buy the airplanes that Embraer produces, In the USA, Barack Obama, who has been so unconditionally generous with the banks and insurance companies, now demands that General Motors and Chrysler to work out a “remodelling plan” (which includes closing factories, reducing thousands of jobs and increase the pace of exploitation) as a condition to free State funds that would prevent them from going bankrupt. In this way, the penalty for the bad situation of the factory will not affect the shareholders and executives and only the workers.
Explain patiently
The first task of revolutionaries when faced with the crisis is to explain patiently to the toiling masses that the crisis and its consequences are the unavoidable outcome of the capitalist system, and that bourgeoisie – whether national or international – will always endeavour to shove the costs of the crises on to the shoulders of the workers. That is why there is no community of interests between the working class and the bourgeoisie: what is good for them is evil for us. We must also explain how governments, even those that seem to be the most “popular”, with all their “anticrisis” measures and policies, always defend the interests of the bourgeoisie and not of the workers.
Secondly, it is necessary to explain that the only real solution for the proletariat and exploited peoples of the world is a world socialist revolution that begins with the seizure of the power and implantation of a workers’ government in their own country, so as to apply economic plans that do not serve the profit of the employers, but the satisfaction of the needs of the people as a whole. Without this perspective of this deep solution, all the partial triumphs that we may achieve will soon be lost and the most heroic struggles will be driven into a hopeless cul-de-sac.
It is precisely during such deeps crises that it happens to be easier to explain the need of a radical change away from imperialist capitalist system because its real destructive nature is entirely bare to see and the need for measures of the socialist programme become more visible.
However, we must highlight that the economic crisis will not by itself lead to the collapse of capitalism let alone to the triumph of the socialist revolution. If the working class does not pose its own answer, more likely than not, the imperialist capitalist system will find some kind of new “stability” based on levels even worse than barbarism and inhumanity.
That is why the kind of world that will surface after this crisis is over depends entirely on class struggle. From our point of view: on the action of the toiling masses and on the emergence of a revolutionary leadership capable of leading this struggle. But both, the answer of the workers and the construction of this leadership may only take place through the struggle and mobilisation.
A programme to struggle for
The first step of this struggle and this mobilisation begins at a response to the attacks by the governments and the bourgeoisies. A process that has already begun in several countries, but which is not yet up to our needs. That is why, the other great task posed is to boost a fighting response to these attacks, as united as possible.
In general, we propose the following programme for these struggles having nod doubts as to the fact that it has to be adapted to the concrete circumstances in each country:
· Struggle against layoffs and unemployment
· For the reduction of the working day without reducing wages
· Defence of our wages and against restrictions of our rights and achievements
· Against the increase of the working hours, deterioration of working conditions and increase of the load of work
· Struggle against xenophobia and in defence of the rights of the immigrants
· Against the criminalisation of social movements
· Against the economic policy of the governments
In countries colonised by imperialism, struggles and for national independence and against imperialist plans for recolonisation – such as the non payment of the foreign debt, split from IMF and its adjustment plans, nationalisation of imperialist companies, etc are what will allow us to build up a bridge towards more advanced demands such as nationalisation with workers control of the main branches of the economy of the country; that is those that represent the transition towards a socialist solution to which we referred in the previous point.
The need for a united struggle
This proposal of joint struggle should be posed to all the workers as well as to the leaders of the trade unions and of political organisations with any weight among the masses
Is it correct to address such a call to this type of leaders who have contributed to the demobilisation, division and demoralisation of the working class and, in many cases, continue doing so, agreeing to loss of achievements, halting the struggles and if conflicts do emerge, trying to isolate them? Evidently, these leaders are stumbling blocks on the path towards developing a conclusive struggle against the attacks of the corporation and the governments and, much more than that, preventing the working class from giving a substantial answer.
But as long as apparatuses of trade unions and of organisations that exert influence on the masses are in control, there is no way of boosting a massive mobilisation without a policy of demands for their leaders to break their agreements with governments and corporations, and take the lead of real national struggle plans.
If this call for a united mobilisation is accepted, the way it happened, for example, on May 30th with some of the Brazilian trade union centrals or during the recent general strikes in France, the self-confidence of the working class as a whole was boosted. This is so, because many workers, faced with the magnitude of the enemy to confront, doubt of their possibilities of an isolated struggle. On the contrary, a united national struggle offers a much better perspective right from the very beginning. In this way a superior dynamic of mobilisation can open that can overflow the banks which these bureaucracies are willing to consider as limits. If, however the call is rejected, this refusal will contribute towards the workers’ experience with these leaders.
IN whichever of these two cases, this policy is essential to strengthen a fighting response in accordance with the situation and the attacks and so advance towards a really democratic and fighting organisation of the workers that may grow and become an alternative to these bureaucrats and their apparatuses, the way as Conlutas in Brazil the ELAC in Latin America and the Caribbean and other experiences in different parts of the world are beginning to be built.
