By: Cesar Neto
Africa is experiencing a period of intense struggle. Kenya, Nigeria, Ghana, Mozambique, Angola, Madagascar, and Morocco are among the countries experiencing this turmoil. In recent months, we have seen eight major waves of protests across the continent’s 54 countries, demonstrating the impact of the global capitalist crisis. The crisis began on September 25 when young people in Antananarivo, the capital, took to the streets to protest successive water and power outages. These were the largest demonstrations since the 2009 crisis. The movement’s strength, spread to the outskirts of the capital and other cities, and persistence resulted in the fall of Andry Rajoelina’s government.
The mobilizations
The protests grew very quickly. By the third day of protests, there had been numerous clashes with police, looting of supermarkets, and burning of vehicles. There was also violent repression, which resulted in the deaths of at least 22 protesters. Despite the enormous violence, the movement did not back down.
The crisis that brought down Rajoelina’s ministers
In an attempt to save his government, Rajoelina dismissed his entire cabinet and tried to form a new government with some of his opponents. This plan might have been feasible if not for the message coming from the streets. After the 22 deaths, the demonstrations began shouting: “Rajoelina out!”
Another attempt to resolve the crisis was a call for a national dialogue, which included religious leaders, business associations, and others. The Generation Z movement correctly stated on social media that this dialogue was a farce and that they would not participate. Amid the momentum of the mobilizations, resident doctors began striking that same week.
The methods of bourgeois democracy were ineffective. Rajoelina attempted to impose Bonapartism.
In the face of the youth’s anger, the government had two failed plans. First, it dismissed its ministers; then, it called for a national dialogue. Even so, the youth remained in the streets and spread to other cities.
The government’s third plan was to impose a Bonapartist solution: confront the movement with greater force, perhaps with the help of the army itself.
Thus, the government appointed General Ruphin Zafisambo, an officer trained in Algeria and Montpellier, France, as prime minister.
In appointing General Ruphin, President Rajoelina stated his goal was “to restore order and the confidence of the population.”
However, protesters returned to the streets after this appointment, adding the slogan, “Rajoelina out!”
Trade unions and popular sectors joined the struggle
As the demonstrations spread to the suburbs of the capital and to cities in the interior, the social impact of the struggle increased. Some unions and various popular organizations began actively participating in the street clashes, giving the struggle a more class-based character. Consequently, demands related to unemployment and the cost of food were added to the agenda.
The army divided, confronted the gendarmerie, and supported the protests
After three weeks of protests, looting, vehicle fires, and 22 deaths, the repressive forces divided on Saturday, October 11.
Loyal to the president, the National Gendarmerie took to the streets to suppress the protests as usual. However, a sector of the army—specifically, its intelligence and weapons control branch—the Army Personnel and Administrative and Technical Services Corps (CAPSAT), rebelled against the military hierarchy. They took to the streets in solidarity with the protesters and exchanged fire with the Gendarmerie. This brief armed confrontation resulted in the death of a CAPSAT soldier and the Gendarmerie’s withdrawal to their barracks.
Army Colonel Michael Randrianirina was greeted with applause by the demonstrators. He spoke about the extent of the rupture in the military hierarchy. He said: “We call on all soldiers willing to take responsibility to join us. Stop obeying the orders of your superiors.”
In an attempt to win the support of Generation Z, he stated, “This is not a coup. The army responded to the incessant call of the Malagasy people. Power belongs to the people, not to me.”
The military has taken power
The day after the CAPSAT uprising and the ensuing rupture in the army, President Rajoelina fled the country on a French military plane. His escape was celebrated in the streets, and CAPSAT officers tried to capitalize on protesters’ anger.
By Wednesday, the demonstrations had noticeably diminished, showing the military’s growing support.
Following Rajoelina’s dismissal, CAPSAT commander Colonel Michael Randrianirina was confirmed by the High Court. In his first statement after the ruling, Randrianirina announced that the military had taken power and dissolved all institutions except the lower house of parliament, or the National Assembly. He also stated that the transition to elections would take less than two years and include restructuring key institutions.
“It was not a coup; it was a matter of taking responsibility because the country was on the verge of collapse,” he said. He promised elections in 18 to 24 months and told local media that consultations were underway to appoint a prime minister and form a new government. The process will be entirely militarized, which reinforces the Bonapartist nature of the new government. It will be overseen by a committee composed of army, gendarmerie, and police officers.
It is necessary to provide young people with a revolutionary and socialist program
“Only the fresh enthusiasm and offensive spirit of youth can achieve initial successes in the struggle. Only these successes can guide the best elements of the older generation back to the path of revolution.” It has always been so. It will continue to be so” (Leon Trotsky, Transitional Program). (Leon Trotsky, Transitional Program).
The Malagasy youth have already experienced their first successes with the fall of their president. But things cannot stop there. For our Generation Z comrades, the focus has always been on public policies, such as the lack of water and electricity, and ultimately, the removal of authorities, including the president of the republic himself.
We support the mobilizations called by Generation Z, but programmatically, they are opportunistic. The main enemy within the ranks of the proletariat and youth is, of course, opportunism.
The heroic youth of Madagascar knew how to mobilize for three weeks, giving their blood and their lives. However, they stopped halfway by limiting themselves to “Rajoelina Out” and omitting that real change is only possible with the fall of the government, the expulsion of transnational corporations, the suspension of foreign debt payments, and the construction of a society of workers (employed and unemployed) and youth under the banner of the Fourth International.
The youth of Madagascar mirror African youth
An important aspect of the Malagasy process is the role of youth. In semi-colonial, low-industrialized countries, the presence and rebelliousness of youth play a decisive role. This rebelliousness must be studied. In Morocco, for example, 30% of students drop out of school to take low-paying jobs, emigrate, or turn to crime. There are orphans due to a lack of healthcare, and young people with university degrees are unemployed despite their families’ sacrifices. In Angola, young people are rebelling against the MPLA dictatorship and the cruel combination of unemployment and inflation. In Mozambique, after two months of mobilization, the main demands were an end to electoral fraud and unemployment linked to inflation.
The youth of Madagascar embody the latest youth struggles on the African continent. In Antananarivo, a youth music club became a meeting point for protesters. The protesters are artists, vendors, freelancers, and countless unemployed individuals. Unemployment among young people reaches 40%. Initially, the main demands were an end to power and water cuts and democratic freedoms. Then, they evolved into “Rajoelina out!”
