By Demian Vinnichenko
The victory over Nazism in World War II has long been central to the state ideology of Russian imperialism.
The Kremlin has transformed the war into a holy crusade, cynically exploiting it to justify new acts of aggression, which are, of course, the antithesis of the anti-fascist struggle.
Following the Nazi invasion of 1941, the war of the peoples of the USSR became a just struggle of a workers’ state—though it was corrupted by the Stalinist bureaucracy—against the fascist aggressor. The resistance of the Ukrainians, in particular, was an important factor in the subsequent defeat of Nazism. They joined the army en masse, organized a partisan movement, and defended Kiev, Odessa, and Kharkiv. Other peoples also made a colossal contribution: Belarusians, Armenians, Georgians, Jews, Tatars, Uzbeks, Kazakhs, Chechens, and many others.
However, Putin remains silent on this, trying to usurp the victories of these still-oppressed nations.
He also hides the fact that Nazi expansion began with the “Stalin-Hitler Pact” to divide Poland in 1939. The two dictators then attempted to divide Europe.
Putin’s police state is the new pillar of counterrevolutionary world imperialism, which is why Trump is trying—with all his might, and so far without success—to reach an agreement with Putin.
Putin’s “anti-Nazi” rhetoric masks ultra-reactionary tendencies: the cult of the autocrat, oligarchic capitalism, Great Russian chauvinist ideology, and the medieval obscurantism of the Russian Orthodox Church. The Russian dictator actively promotes the same chauvinist ideology that Lenin harshly criticized. This explains why Putin hates Lenin so much, accusing him of “planting a bomb under Russia” and “creating Ukraine.”
When announcing the start of the “Special Military Operation” (SVO), Putin stated that his goal was to “denazify” Ukraine. Russian media repeats the mantra about “Nazis” in Kyiv and presents Ukraine as a “fascist state,” but this clumsy rhetoric does not withstand the slightest bit of criticism. The Ukrainian government is a bourgeois democracy in which the far right was defeated in the 2019 elections and Volodymyr Zelensky, who is of Jewish origin and speaks Russian, was elected president.
Furthermore, Putin’s “denazification” campaign has only strengthened the Ukrainian far right’s position. In the midst of war, the far right has gained new “legitimacy” as the main specter of Putin’s propaganda and has finally emerged from its marginal position.
Russia’s annual Victory Day parade is becoming an increasingly grotesque display, disconnected from the tragic experience of the war of liberation against Nazism. It has transformed from a ritual of mourning into an exhibition of imperial weapons. Rather than appealing to memory, this parade appeals to obedience and the willingness to die for imperialist goals, accompanied by the sounds of marches, fanfares, and televised propaganda celebrations. It is not about history but its falsification for the sake of a war of conquest.
The real anti-fascist struggle is being waged today in Ukraine—not in parade positions, but in trenches, destroyed cities, volunteer brigades, and workers’ union meetings. The working class constitutes the basis of the resistance. Anti-fascism emerged from its inception as a response to capital’s attempts to repress the emancipatory aspirations of workers.
Even in Germany, the anti-Nazi resistance included workers, underground circles of intellectuals, and anti-fascist officers who risked their lives to sabotage the Third Reich’s war machine, though it was brutally repressed.
Similar partisan movements are occurring in today’s Russia and the occupied territories of Ukraine. There, railways are being sabotaged, military registration and enlistment offices are being set on fire, and leaflets are being distributed and walls are being painted with messages against the war and invasion. This is happening despite the threat of torture and long prison sentences.
In light of these events, international workers’ solidarity with Ukraine is growing stronger. Workers from different countries are expressing their support for Ukraine. European and U.S. dockworkers have refused to unload Russian ships carrying military equipment. Trade unions are organizing humanitarian aid, and statements condemning Putin’s aggression have been heard at conferences and forums. Port workers’ actions are particularly illustrative: “Workers around the world strongly oppose the Russian invasion, including thousands of dockworkers who show solidarity with the Ukrainian people and contempt for Putin’s aggression.”
It is clear today that the true heirs of the anti-fascist struggle are not the cynical rulers of the Kremlin, who hide behind the banner of victory while committing acts of aggression, nor the Trump administration in the United States. Rather, they are ordinary people who resist violence and dictatorships. Their actions directly continue the work of those who, 80 years ago, challenged the Nazi plague.
Progressive forces must not only oppose Putin’s aggression but also the growth of neo-fascism and right-wing populism in Europe, which is, incidentally, very sympathetic to Putin’s regime. It is also necessary to combat the intense rearmament of NATO countries, which are not seeking to help Ukraine, but rather to encourage chauvinism in their own ranks.
One form of imperialist oppression cannot be defeated by condoning another. This is why a true anti-fascist—especially a socialist—will oppose Putin’s aggression against Ukraine, his supported dictators in Syria and other countries, and the Zionist genocide and occupation of Palestine led by Netanyahu.
Freedom for all peoples! Death to empires!
