— Unified Socialist Workers’ Party of Brazil (PSTU)
On Wednesday, May 30, Donald Trump, the leader of the world’s most important imperialist power, issued a decree imposing a 50% tax on Brazilian exports as promised. However, the decree included 694 exemptions, particularly for Embraer, orange juice, and other products on which the U.S. economy depends or that serve as inputs for its own monopolies.
The main export products subject to the 50% tariff include coffee, meat, and many industrial products. Initial forecasts by consulting firms estimate that the exemptions would mitigate the impact of Trump’s threat to impose tariffs on all Brazilian products by 41%. In other words, it was not a total tariff increase, yet it was still a severe blow to the national economy.
According to industry leaders, the plastics sector will be affected, causing a domino effect in segments ranging from manufacturing to agribusiness. The textile industry was included almost entirely in the embargo, as was a significant part of the machinery and equipment industry. The initial impact is estimated at around US$1 billion in 2025 alone. In short, contrary to initial appearances, Trump’s strategy of blows and setbacks does not minimize the imperialist attack on Brazil, which is currently the second most taxed country behind only China (whose negotiations are still ongoing). Furthermore, even before the tariff was implemented, companies such as Taurus declared their willingness to move their factory to the United States. Embraer promised to build its future factory in the United States.
It is also worth noting that the U.S. is conducting an ongoing “investigation” into what it consders to be Brazil’s “unfair policies,” which could lead to new sanctions against Brazil.
Trump is interfering in Brazil
On July 9, the U.S. government announced a tariff increase based on the lie that Lula’s governmenty was “persecuting” Bolsonaro and engaging in unfair trade. For 15 years, Brazil has accumulated hundreds of billions of dollars in surplus trade with the U.S. This time, Trump is taking ten steps forward in his political interference by declaring a “national emergency” against Brazil.
This is a cynical move, given that Brazil is dominated by U.S. imperialism and has been the target of U.S. interference, such as the 1964 coup d’état that maintained the military dictatorship. The U.S. poses a threat to Brazil, not the other way around, as Trump’s executive order claims.
In addition to further subjugating Brazil’s economy and guaranteeing the freedom of its monopolies — big tech companies at the forefront — above the country’s laws, Trump intends to subjugate Brazil by interfering in its judicial system and deciding who should govern. In his attempt to reverse the decline of U.S. imperialism, which mainly faces Chinese imperialism, Trump intends to turn Brazil into his backyard, completely destroying the Brazilian people’s self-determination.
The far-right Eduardo Bolsonaro is acting as a political strategist, advisor, and counselor to imperialism in this process, committing a clear crime against the nation. “If the scenario is scorched earth, at least I will take revenge,” he once declared. The crisis has created division within the far-right movement. Eduardo Bolsonaro is betting on radicalization, while other sectors, such as Nikolas Ferreira and Governor Tarcísio de Freitas, are participating in servile negotiations. However, they are all revealing their servility and hypocrisy. Like Bolsonaro, they salute the U.S. flag while boasting false patriotism.
Resisting Trump’s attacks: sovereignty is not negotiable
One danger is the minimization of Trump’s imperialist attack. However, the decision to withdraw the tariff increase comes amid U.S. interference in the country’s economy and sovereignty. The decree still affects approximately 60% of Brazilian exports, and Trump has escalated his threatening tone toward Brazilian institutions. Therefore, it is crucial to firmly oppose the tariffs, as they constitute an attack on Brazil and its self-determination by an imperialist country. In practice, this is a politically motivated embargo. The sanction against Alexandre de Moraes and the blackmail of the Federal Supreme Court to save Bolsonaro and the coup plotters from prison must also be condemned.
Therefore, Trump’s decree did not put an end to the crisis that began in July. New attacks could occur within the next 90 days. Trump intends to determine relations with Brazil by interfering in politics and the judiciary and threatening reprisals if the country negotiates oil with Russia or advances in negotiations with other BRICS countries. Most of all, Trump wants to humiliate the Brazilian government, as he did with the Ukrainian president and, more recently, with the president of the European Commission, Ursula von der Leyen. She accepted a humiliating agreement during negotiations held at the U.S. president’s private residence in Scotland.
Some in the Brazilian business community are demanding no retaliation but rather “negotiation,” which would mean handing over more of the country’s wealth to multinationals, especially U.S. ones, as in the case of rare earths. They also want to negotiate with big tech companies that want no regulation, to be exempt from taxes, and remain outside the country’s laws. Not to mention the U.S. financial system and credit card companies, which oppose the Central Bank’s free Pix system because they want to charge Brazilians commissions and fees for moving their own money.
The working class must be at the forefront of the struggle against imperialism
In turn, Lula’s government has “played it safe” and gave the impression of confronting imperialism; such is the servility of the Brazilian bourgeoisie. In reality, beyond words, the government acts primarily as a manager of big business, prioritizing profits over jobs and national sovereignty. For example, even before tariffs were imposed, Taurus, an arms manufacturer in Rio Grande do Sul, declared that it would lay off 3,000 workers, close its Brazilian factory, and move to the United States. Rejecting any kind of retaliation, Lula is now pointing the way to negotiations with imperialism. He is trying to expand the list of exemptions from tariff increases in exchange for increasing the country’s subordination to U.S. imperialism and other imperialisms. This would further undermine what little sovereignty we have left after surrendering so much.
Rather than considering handing Brazil’s rare earths over to Trump (or even China or the EU) or signaling negotiations to deregulate or exempt big tech companies, Lula should take a firm stance on regulating and taxing big tech companies. He should also ban the remittance of profits and dollars to the U.S. and suspend debt payments to U.S. investment funds. He should also break drug patents and defend national and state exploration of rare earths while taking care of the environment and commiting to defending indigenous and quilombola lands (1) instead of continuing to hand over Brazil’s subsoil to multinational mining companies.
The struggle against imperialist countries and monopolies and for the national sovereignty of subordinate countries, such as Brazil, is a struggle of the working class because, to defend our jobs and our country, we must defeat imperialism—the heart of the world capitalist system.
We must unite with the government and the national business community in this battle if they are willing to join us. However, we must maintain our political and organizational independence because, as we have seen, we cannot trust the business community to stand up to Trump. In fact, many of them want to surrender the country’s sovereignty in exchange for very little in order to secure their profits by exploiting Brazilian workers and squandering the country’s wealth.
We must resist and confront Trump’s attacks with more than just words. We must reject the application of the Magnitsky Act against Alexandre de Moraes and the blackmail of Supreme Court justices. We must demand that Lula reciprocate in all matters that benefit Brazil, prohibit the remittance of profits and dividends from U.S. companies, and suspend public debt payments to U.S. creditors.
Big tech companies (including Trump’s network) must be taxed, regulated, and forced to respect Brazilian laws. They must also be prohibited from interfering in the country’s political and institutional processes. Workers are setting an example, as seen with the metalworkers in São José dos Campos, São Paulo. In the coming days, there will be new demonstrations against Trump’s imperialist interference. This is how we confront and defeat this attack and guarantee our sovereignty and self-determination.
In this struggle, we support uniting with the government and all those who rise up against Trump and imperialism while maintaining the political independence of the working class.
Trump, keep your hands off Brazil! Bolsonaro to jail!
Note:
- In Brazil, “quilombolas” are communities made up of descendants of Africans who arrived as slaves and escaped to form autonomous communities called quilombos. These communities, which may include indigenous peoples and other groups, settled in remote areas and developed their own social, political, and economic organizations. Today, quilombolas are recognized as traditional communities with territorial and cultural rights. ↩
