By Demian Vinnichenko
On July 22, 2025, the Ukrainian government took a drastic authoritarian turn when Bill No. 12414 was passed. This law subordinates the National Anti-Corruption Bureau of Ukraine (NABU) and the Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office (SAP) to the Prosecutor General’s Office, which is under the president’s direct control. The Prosecutor General’s Office gained access to all NABU cases and the authority to issue binding instructions to NABU detectives, close cases at the request of the defense, resolve jurisdictional disputes independently, and seize case materials.
The autonomy of the main anti-corruption agencies was destroyed, placing their activities under the control of the presidential vertical hierarchy. The agencies themselves described the incident as “the destruction of their independence.” This move by the Ukrainian government is undoubtedly an attempt at the authoritarian concentration of power.
The government’s actions provoked a strong reaction from ordinary Ukrainians, particularly young people. On the day the Rada passed the law, a wave of protests swept across Ukraine from west to east. Not even martial law could keep people home; these ongoing demonstrations are the largest since Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine began. Thousands of Ukrainians took to the streets simultaneously in different cities: Kyiv, Lviv, Kharkiv, Uzhhorod, Odesa, and so on.
In Kyiv, the crowd in front of the Ivan Franko Theater—near the presidential administration—quickly grew from several hundred to several thousand people. They held homemade signs with slogans such as “The people are the source of power!” and “Hands off NABU and SAP!” and chanted against the usurpation of power. Participants from the student union Direct Action, who were present at the demonstration, popularized the slogans “Parasitic deputies won’t let the people live” and “You give us corruption, we give you revolution.”
Despite the curfew and ban on mass gatherings during wartime, tens of thousands of citizens openly defied these restrictions, demanding the repeal of the scandalous law. For a country at war where society is accustomed to enduring hardships together for victory, this wave of protests is unprecedented.
The protesters demanded that the president veto the law. However, Zelensky stubbornly ignored their demands and signed the document that same night while protests raged in the streets. Obviously, the president’s actions only exacerbated popular anger.
The next day, under popular pressure, the president backtracked. The mass protests and the ensuing “nervous” reaction of European political bureaucrats clearly caught Zelensky by surprise. By the evening of July 23, frightened by the growing outrage, the president announced that he would submit a new bill to the Rada that would address the criticism and strengthen the independence of anti-corruption institutions. This is a valuable example of how mobilized protest works. Even in times of war, mass action can force those in power to back down. However, protesters will not relent until they see real action from those in power.
It should be noted that, despite their importance, the current protests are limited within the existing regime frameworks. The main goal is to force the authorities to return to the status quo by repealing the authoritarian law and continuing the “European Union” reforms. The prevailing mood is liberal-patriotic.
Citizens are outraged by the usurpation of power and demand transparency. They appeal to “European values,” the rule of law, and Ukraine’s international obligations. Conversely, many view the recent events as a betrayal of the ideals of the “Revolution of Dignity” (the 2014 Maidan Revolution) and caution that Zelensky is steering the nation toward an authoritarian regime modeled after Russia. However, the scope of this spontaneous opposition is quite limited. Liberal opinion leaders criticize Zelensky personally and demand compliance with EU requirements but do not question the socioeconomic system itself, which has fostered corruption. Conservatives merely accuse the authorities of lacking patriotism or secretly colluding with oligarchs or Moscow without offering positive proposals for change. Consequently, the protests boil down to defending existing institutions (NABU and SAP) and waiting for “honest bosses” in Brussels to prevent Ukrainian officials from stealing.
Some left-wing groups, including the student union Direct Action, the public organization Social Movement, and various anarchists and socialists in the military, have proposed a different approach: eliminating the system that fosters corruption.
The current crisis surrounding NABU and SAP is only a symptom of a deeper disease—corruption spelled with a “C” for “capitalism.” The country is dominated by oligarchic capitalism, where the state has merged with big business and officials have turned power into a source of private profit. Under such conditions, bribery, illegal commissions, and nepotism are not aberrations but the norm, a basic principle of the system.
Corruption cannot be eradicated without destroying the breeding ground from which it continually reemerges: capitalist relations based on profit and the fusion of capital with power.
The solution is to establish workers’ control and genuine grassroots democracy. The control of companies’, banks’, and government agencies’ finances and activities must be transferred to their labor collectives and society. Replacing one group of officials with another is not enough; we must also break the bureaucratic hierarchy and replace it with a system of workers’ bodies and local committees that are accountable to the rank and file. When factory workers, institutional employees, and the general population have the right to control management decisions, budget allocation, and appointments, the opportunity for corruption will be drastically reduced. Fewer bureaucrats means less opportunity to hide information. With workers’ control, no director or minister will be able to steal without being immediately exposed by their team. Any case of dishonesty will be considered by popular committees, not corrupt courts. This includes the dismissal and punishment of the guilty.
Based on the above, we declare:
We oppose the abuse of power by the Ukrainian authorities and support the Ukrainian people’s protests. However, we do not trust NABU or SAP, nor do we consider them “untouchable.”
We oppose the dictates of “Euro-Western” bureaucrats. Neither the EU nor any other external association will dictate how the Ukrainian people should combat corruption. Brussels officials have no moral authority, as their own governments are riddled with corruption scandals.
A genuine fight against corruption is unthinkable without fighting the capitalist foundations of society.
Only by overthrowing the oligarchic dictatorship and establishing the power of the working people can Ukraine put an end to widespread corruption and realize the ideals for which blood has been shed from Maidan in 2014 to the present-day front lines. We are confident that a people capable of resisting Russian aggression can also defeat an internal enemy and fight for their destiny.
