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IWL-FI Statements

Statement on the current situation in Palestine

Students participate in the general strike in Ancona, Italy on September 22. Image credit Ukraine4Pal on Wikimedia Commons.

Internal Workers' League - Fourth International

November 5, 2025


International solidarity for Palestine has taken on historic proportions in the last two years. There have been huge demonstrations involving hundreds of thousands of people in imperialist countries, particularly in Europe.


It is present at countless cultural and sporting events, with the force of popular enthusiasm for a cause that has become part of the consciousness of the masses around the world.


It was catalyzed by the Sumud Flotilla, accompanied by the vanguards and mass sectors at the international level. There was a shift in world public opinion, isolating Zionism, which previously had majority support.


This even has repercussions within the United States, where recent polls have shown that 59% of the population (including 41% of Republican Party voters) wants the recognition of a Palestinian state. In other words, the pressure of international solidarity with Palestine is entering Trump’s own base.


Now a more dangerous process for global imperialism is beginning: solidarity with the Palestinians is beginning to combine with expressions of class struggle at the national level. Three examples illustrate this reality.

In Italy, there were two general strikes in support of Palestine and mass demonstrations, with more than a million people taking to the streets in Rome. Here, solidarity with the Palestinian cause is beginning to combine with discontent caused by Meloni’s far-right government and its attacks on workers.


In the United States, the No Kings mobilizations in June and October, which brought millions of people onto the streets against the Trump administration, often carried Palestinian flags.


In Morocco, the mobilizations of Generation Z youth against the government also showed solidarity with Palestine and pointed to the possibility of a new Arab Spring.


There is a polarized global situation in economic, social, and political terms, leading to struggles and even explosions in different parts of the world. The Palestinian cause is beginning to combine with these national processes.


Two years of struggles


The Palestinian resistance’s action against Israel on October 7, 2023, was a just, defensive action against the State of Israel’s ongoing military offensive, intended to disrupt the normalization of relations between Arab regimes and the Zionist state.
October 7 was of great political importance, as it brought the Palestinian question back to the center of the global class struggle and dealt a blow to Israel, whose confidence in its own security was shaken. Those who did not unconditionally defend the Palestinian resistance in the face of Israel’s response mistakenly equated the violence of the oppressor with the violence of the oppressed.
Zionism unleashed a new episode of genocide against the people of Gaza, with more than 70,000 dead and widespread destruction of homes, schools, and hospitals. The use of hunger as a weapon of war impacted the consciousness of the masses with images of Palestinian children dying of starvation.


In addition to Gaza, violent ethnic cleansing continues in the West Bank, with the expulsion of more than 40,000 Palestinians from their homes and the murder of 1,000 Palestinians by Israeli military forces and Zionist settlers. The plan to annex the West Bank was formally approved by the Israeli parliament.


In the current situation, Palestine remains at the center of the global class struggle. There is a concentrated and unstable expression of opposing and unequal forces facing Gaza.


On the one hand, there is the implementation of the first part of Trump’s “Peace Plan,” applauded by all the imperialist countries and the Arab bourgeois governments, which has nothing to do with peace, much less Palestinian self-determination.


The goal of imperialism is Palestinian surrender and the imposition of the occupation of Gaza by a multinational force and a puppet government of Trump, as well as to weaken the global movement of support for Palestine.


On the other hand, the Palestinian resistance won the hearts and minds of the majority of the world’s population, despite the support of the absolute majority of governments and the bourgeois media for Zionism.


The population of Gaza, after two years of heroic resistance, the murder of some 70,000 Palestinians and the destruction of every house, hospital, and school in the territory, welcomed the ceasefire with enormous relief.


What now? Where is the implementation of the second phase of the “Peace Agreement” headed?


Trump’s colonial plan


In response to the situation, Trump announced his plan for Palestine, which was soon supported by Netanyahu and then celebrated at the summit held in Egypt by all the imperialist countries and Arab governments. This plan was mediated by Egypt, Qatar, and Turkey.
The first phase of the plan included a ceasefire, the entry of humanitarian aid (food, medicine, fuel, and the exchange of Israeli prisoners for Palestinian political prisoners), and the partial withdrawal of Israeli troops to maintain them in 53% of Gaza’s territory.
The second phase of the plan includes:

  • the disarmament of Hamas and all Palestinian resistance and the exile of its members who do not accept surrender;
  • the formation of a “peace council” led by Trump and war criminal Tony Blair to oversee Gaza and its reconstruction;
  • the occupation of Gaza by a multinational military force that will gradually replace Israeli troops, in agreement with Israel.

The ceasefire, the entry of humanitarian aid, and the release of Palestinian prisoners are necessities for the Palestinian people and brought enormous relief to the long-suffering population of Gaza, which has been subjected to two years of genocide.
The Palestinians returned to what were once their homes, with a mixture of relief and sadness at the ruins and rubble where they used to live.


Now there is a pause, a moment of transition as they await a more than uncertain future.


The situation in Israel


The majority of the Israeli population continues to support Zionism, genocide, and ethnic cleansing policies.
The Israeli proletariat is part of the project of colonizing Palestine, as it benefits from the theft of Palestinian land and homes. Unity between Palestinian and Jewish workers can only be built around a complete agreement on the Palestinian right to national self-determination, a goal which requires the destruction of the Israeli state. Proposals calling for unity before this precondition is met are reactionary and utopian.


Nevertheless, the Israeli population approved of the ceasefire agreement, due to the return of the hostages and fatigue with the continuation of the war. There is a recession in the country, a mobilization of ultra-Orthodox religious groups against military conscription, and Netanyahu’s popularity had greatly declined over the issue of Israeli prisoners.
After two years of war and genocide, the prisoners only returned to Israel thanks to the peace agreement.


The accomplices of Zionism


Chinese imperialism is the main exporter to Israel. Russian imperialism is a major supplier of oil to Israel. There is no such thing as progressive imperialism, contrary to what most Stalinist organizations around the world claim.
The Arab regimes were accomplices to the Zionist genocide and now support Trump’s “Peace Plan,” with the expectation of becoming partners with imperialism in the Abraham Accords.


The Palestinian National Authority, led by Mahmoud Abbas, maintains its security cooperation agreement with the State of Israel, as well as the repression of the Palestinian resistance. It now also supports the “Peace Plan” in the hope of being part of its direct implementation.


The Palestinian resistance has not yet been defeated


The outcome of the second phase of negotiations is uncertain, as there are serious contradictions of various kinds.
On the one hand, US imperialism wants to use the “Peace Plan” to force the Palestinians to surrender and advance the Abraham Accords, signed in 2020 and frozen after the clashes in Gaza. In other words, they seek a normalization of relations between Arab governments and Israel, incorporating Saudi Arabia and Qatar on an economic level that advances US hegemony in the face of China’s growing presence in the region.


US imperialism wants a commitment from the Arab bourgeoisie to the military occupation of Palestine, if possible with the blessing of the UN. However, so far the Palestinians have not agreed to the Israeli demands for the disarmament of the resistance.

The Palestinians want an end to the occupation of Gaza, a government resulting from consensus among Palestinian forces, and an end to the blockade of Gaza. They also want an end to Zionist colonization in the West Bank.

There is one fact that remains fundamental to understanding the political reality of the region. Neither brutal Zionist military superiority nor imperialist pressure has succeeded in defeating the Palestinian resistance.

The Israeli prisoners were not rescued by the Zionist army, but exchanged in a ceasefire agreement. Even after two years of genocide, armed militants from Hamas and other Palestinian resistance organizations (PIJ, PFLP, etc.) continue to control part of Gaza.


And behind this heroic resistance is the massive wave of international solidarity from the world’s masses for the Palestinian people.
This calls into question whether the implementation of the second phase of Trump’s plan will be possible.


The genocide continues


It is important to note that Trump’s plan reduced the degree of military confrontation, but did not end the genocide. Fifty-three percent of Gaza is directly occupied by Israeli troops and the remaining 47% is besieged by land, sea, and air.


Since the start of the ceasefire, the State of Israel has been engaging in constant violations of the ceasefire agreement on a daily basis. Israel has limited humanitarian aid, which should be at least 600 trucks per day. Since the start of the ceasefire, only about 1,000 trucks total have entered Gaza, which is totally insufficient.


Israel engages in attacks under any pretext: it killed dozens of Palestinians after losing two soldiers in the explosion of a faulty Israeli bomb, and blamed the Palestinian resistance. It engaged in violations of the ceasefire on the grounds that the bodies of the dead Israelis have not yet been returned.


In addition, in the West Bank, Israel is carrying out a combined offensive. Settlers, with the direct or indirect support of the Israeli army and police, have carried out more than 100 pogroms against the Palestinian population since the start of the ceasefire.
Zionist action is also evident in Lebanon through daily attacks that violate the ceasefire signed in November 2024, and call for the forced disarmament of Hezbollah and Palestinian forces. The same is true of the expansion of the illegal occupation of Syrian territory, in addition to its efforts to sway sectors of the Druze and Kurdish leadership in order to weaken Syria and possibly partition it in the future.


Israel’s policy is contrary to a permanent ceasefire. That is why Israel constantly tests the limits of the ceasefire, using the excuse of delays in the return of the bodies of Israeli hostages who were killed by the State of Israel’s own attacks, deaths that it itself was responsible for.


Additionally, Israel is holding some 1,800 Gazans who have been detained over the past two years, as well as another 9,000 prisoners in Israeli jails.


Questions remain


The implementation of the so-called second phase is completely uncertain. The central question is whether Hamas will retain control over Gaza, and whether it will be disarmed.
So far, Israeli forces have failed to do so in two years of genocide.


Now, representatives of the US government are talking about accelerating efforts to establish an international intervention force and even seeking legitimacy in international forums for the deployment of this force.


But there are several problems with this. Israel has vetoed, for example, the possible presence of Turkish troops in Gaza. Several Arab countries have no interest in simply being forces acting in Gaza under Israeli command. But they might be interested if there were a plan to eliminate all Palestinian resistance. Some advocate Palestinian Authority administration over Gaza, in addition to the West Bank, but Israel does not agree with this plan.


The central element of uncertainty has to do with the Palestinian resistance itself. Hamas accepted the first phase, which included the ceasefire, the exchange of prisoners, and the entry of humanitarian aid. It did so, first, under intense popular pressure from the Palestinians in Gaza, who needed the ceasefire, and, second, because of its isolation in the international system of states. Trump’s plan was supported by virtually all major states, whether imperialist or semi-colonial. Hamas was under intense pressure from Egypt, Qatar, and Turkey.


We respect the Palestinian resistance and its heroic struggle under very difficult conditions. We disagree with Hamas’ statement accepting the ceasefire as a “peace plan,” without denouncing to international public opinion that it was forced to do so by the unbearable situation of hunger and destruction in Gaza, and without calling on the youth and working class of all countries to maintain popular mobilizations and force governments to break diplomatic and commercial relations with Israel.


Nor do we agree with the “national dialogue of the Palestinian factions” that aims at the acceptance of a “government of Palestinian technocrats” from Gaza, subject to imperialist control.


But we want to emphasize that it is the Palestinian resistance that does not agree, at least so far, with the demand to disarm. And this is of enormous political and military importance.


If there is a direct attack by Israel against the Palestinian resistance, this could reactivate international solidarity with Palestine, which, as we have seen, has reached an unprecedented historical level. There may now be a reduction in the scale of the mobilizations, but they will continue to be present, because the level of consciousness present in pro-Palestine activism points to a clear understanding that the ceasefire has offered a respite, but not a solution to the ongoing genocide.


We continue to defend a revolutionary policy for Palestine


a- We denounce Trump’s “peace agreement” as a neocolonial plan that seeks the complete submission of the Palestinian resistance and the Palestinian people.
To this end, we call on the entire vanguard to promote international solidarity with Palestine and to try to broaden mass actions.
We stand together with the general strike called by Italian grassroots trade unions for November 28.
We will be at the forefront of the mobilizations on November 29 (International Day of Solidarity with the Palestinian People).


b) We demand that the governments of every country break all military, economic, diplomatic, academic, cultural, and sporting relations with the State of Israel. We support the boycott, divestment, and sanctions campaigns against the Zionist state.


c) In all countries, we defend the democratic rights of expression, demonstration, and organization of those who demonstrate in solidarity with Palestine.


d) We recognize the Palestinian resistance as a fighting front in a legitimate war of national liberation and demand that the governments of the region and the world do the same. We unconditionally defend the Palestinian resistance’s response against Israel and imperialism by all necessary means, reject the classification of the Palestinian resistance as terrorist, and reject the demands of imperialism and reformist forces to condemn its actions.
There have been currents, including Trotskyists, that have made a point of rejecting the Palestinian resistance’s methods of struggle. They have gone so far as to say that they were “totally reactionary and counterproductive” or have referred to “Hamas’ crimes against Palestinian and Israeli civilians.” We reject these proposals outright. There should not be a single hint of equating the violence of the oppressors with that of the oppressed.
We seek to involve the labor movement and trade union organizations in each country, as well as the International Labor Network of Solidarity and Struggles (ILNSS), in active solidarity through participation in demonstrations, strikes, and boycotts of arms and components, oil, and other goods sent to the State of Israel.


Develop combinations of the concrete struggles of workers around the world with solidarity with the Palestinians.
f- Nurture the bonds of solidarity between the Palestinian struggle and the Ukrainian struggle for national liberation, which are two epicenters of the international class struggle, denouncing Zelensky’s support for Israel and Russian imperialism’s collaboration with the genocide of the Palestinian people. We promote declarations of solidarity from the Ukrainian resistance with the Palestinian resistance and vice versa.


f- We defend the Arab masses in struggle in support of Palestine and against the complicity of their governments with Israel, with the perspective that a new wave of revolutions in the Arab countries will overthrow their authoritarian regimes.
We call on the Arab masses to form a military front to defeat the State of Israel and its allies, and we denounce the regimes complicit in genocide that not only fail to organize solidarity with the Palestinian people, but repress it. This is the best way to transform the majority support of the peoples for the Palestinian struggle into political and military support for the Palestinians in Gaza.


g- We are against the “two-state solution”, defended by a large part of the reformist currents and a section of the world bourgeoisie. There is no possibility of coexistence with the Zionist state. Without the destruction of Israel, there will be no Palestine from the river to the sea.
Nor do we agree with the different versions of the so-called “One State solution” (a binational or ‘multicultural’ state) which, while correctly rejecting the “two states” solution, are not based on a strategy of destroying the Israeli state, on a program of permanent revolution that unifies democratic issues with a revolutionary class program as a whole. Thus, they do not view the struggle in Palestine as part of a strategy throughout the Middle East to overthrow the bourgeois states and expropriate the ruling classes and multinationals.


h- Our strategic program begins with the popular slogan “Free Palestine, from the river to the sea.” This slogan was born in the first Intifada and expressed the Palestinian diaspora’s rejection of the Oslo Accords and the two-state policy. For Palestinians, a free Palestine, from the river to the sea, will only become a reality with the end of the State of Israel.
This democratic slogan can only become a reality through a process of permanent revolution, unifying the continuity of struggles and strengthening Palestinian military resistance, a new Arab Spring, a new intifada, and mobilizations around the world.


From the perspective of world revolution, we defend a socialist Palestine as part of a Federation of Socialist Arab Republics. To carry out this program, it is necessary to build the revolutionary international and its parties in all countries.

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