Chanted by thousands upon thousands of demonstrators in dozens of Ukrainian cities, these few words sum up the feelings and will of the Ukrainian people better than any other. They express aspirations for Ukrainian independence from centuries of Russian rule and an ironclad determination to defend the democratic freedoms won by the masses in the 2014 “Revolution of Dignity” in Maidan, albeit curtailed in recent years. This resounding rejection of Zelensky’s reactionary politics also expresses the Ukrainian people’s massive repudiation of Putin’s dictatorship, which has motivated the armed resistance against the imperialist invasion for three and a half years now.
—Tarás Shevchuk
On July 22, Law No. 12414 was passed in the Rada (Parliament) via an “express” procedure. This law subordinates the National Anti-Corruption Bureau (NABU) and the Special Anti-Corruption Prosecutor (SAP) to the new Attorney General, who takes direct orders from the president. A wave of active popular outrage swept through the streets and squares across the country.
Zelensky failed to perceive—or risked underestimating—the magnitude of the rejection, ignoring widespread demands to veto the law and signing it into law that night. Thousands of young activists vividly expressed the leap in the masses’ repudiation: “He signed his own death warrant!”
The next day, the demonstrations grew, and the slogans became more radical. The global resonance of these actions set off alarm bells in the offices of the European Union in Brussels because NABU and SAP were founded under the auspices of the EU in 2015. Feverish negotiations immediately began between the government and NABU and SAP officials to avoid further crisis. European imperialism considers itself a “relentless fighter” against corruption in its colonies and in countries aspiring to become colonies, even though it cannot provide examples of such a fight at home.
As the demonstrations grew, some posters included the slogan “Zelensky resign,” while others accused him of being “another Yanukovych” (the president who was overthrown during the Maidan uprising). However, the predominant slogans were against the “parasitic deputies” and “hands off NABU and SAP.” Facing pressure from the political upheaval, just 48 hours after signing the “scandalous law,” Zelensky had drafted a new bill, No. 13533, in agreement with NABU and SAP. They claimed the bill “fully restores the independence of these bodies.” The deputies of the Rada had to suspend their vacation again to “carefully study” the new bill and urgently vote on it on July 31. Surrounded by thousands of demonstrators in front of parliament in Mariinsky Park, the deputies who had voted for the previous bill approved the new law, which repealed the previous one. Even the votes of those who had initially rejected it were included.
Some initial reflections
The most widespread feeling is that the power of mobilization triumphed over a new reactionary policy. However, there is no euphoria, only cautious optimism and considerable mistrust. Those responsible for the scandalous Law No. 12414 now want to present themselves as an example of the “rule of democracy,” as Prime Minister Julia Sviridenko—who is known for signing the colonial minerals agreement with the Trump administration—has declared. Zelensky himself emerges from this episode weakened and questioned, despite his quick about-face—worthy of the tightrope walkers of Cirque du Soleil. Even more so, Andriy Yermak, the “all-powerful” head of the presidential office, is in question. Many point to him as the “producer” of the scandalous Law No. 12414.
It is important to note that the nine days of continuous demonstrations, rallies, and marches spanned cities across Ukraine. These demonstrations took place under martial law and curfew and in defiance of the constant threat of Russian missile and drone attacks. Other notable factors are that 90% of the protesters were young people born in this millennium and that the majority were women. Participants arrived in small groups, each carrying signs with slogans written by hand or clever caricatures. Opportunistic members of parliament who tried to join the rallies to capitalize on the discontent were rejected with insults and accusations of hypocrisy.
There were no repressive actions by security forces against the peaceful demonstrations, nor were there any violent incidents. However, members of the state security service (SBU) were noticeably present, filming and photographing the protesters and their signs. We also have evidence that these same “state servants” visited the headquarters of some social organizations and NGOs the day after the new law was passed. It is possible that the protests will subside in the near future. However, it is more likely that the mass movement, especially the workers, will become much more active in the face of the many serious unmet demands.
The background to this occurence in the Ukrainian regime
Unlike Stalinists, Putin’s supporters, and other “campists” who justify the invasion of Ukraine and the Ukrainian resistance as a “war promoted by NATO against Russia,” we define the invasion as counterrevolutionary imperialist aggression by Putin against Ukraine. Its objectives are to plunder Ukraine’s natural resources and reverse the balance of power that the masses won with Maidan, which Putin calls a “coup d’état.” This balance of power still remains despite the repeated “democratic” imperialist diversions. The Ukrainian regime’s reactionary measures serve its oligarchy. The oligarchy is taking advantage of the foreign invasion and occupation to restrict basic rights, political freedoms, and trade union freedoms. They are also taking away social gains from workers, students, and retirees. In other words, the Ukrainian oligarchy is, objectively, a “fifth column” in the national liberation war.
After three and a half years of large-scale warfare, a set of factors is sharpening internal contradictions, accelerated by imperialist and colonialist pressures, as well as Trump’s blackmail to force the Zelensky government to capitulate. 1. The semi-colonial character of Ukraine, which has maintained a strong dependence on Moscow in addition to the penetration of Western capital in recent decades. 2. The oligarchic character of the presidential-parliamentary regime. 3. The government is representative of some old and new oligarchic clans in opposition to others.
In short, the old oligarchs emerged from privatization plunder, and several of them are associated with Russian capital. The new oligarchs emerged by doing business with the war and becoming more dependent on Western imperialism, establishing a network of corrupt officials and deputies in the process.
Without freedoms for the Ukrainian people, Ukraine will not be liberated
In the face of reactionary tendencies, we prioritize democratic demands against the Zelensky-Rada regime. We denounce the regime’s growing authoritarian tendencies, which are being justified by martial law and exacerbate the reactionary wave of recent years. This wave is characterized by attacks on trade union freedoms and rights, as well as the concentration of wealth and power in the hands of the oligarchs. We call for the broadest unity of action in defense of democratic freedoms and against the plundering of the country. This includes denouncing and combating abuses and cases of corruption in the territorial recruitment centers (CTRs).
Furthermore, even though their detectives have carried out some high-profile investigations and denounced pro-government deputies, we insist that NABU and SAP are not independent of capitalism and its state and imperialist institutions. These institutions promote the plundering of Ukraine through agreements like the “mineral agreement.” For instance, a case discovered by the Security Service (SBU) caused a stir: a regional NABU coordinator whose family had undeclared business dealings with Russian companies. How many are involved in business with Western companies? Clearly, they are incapable of eradicating corruption.
A program for working-class action
In the context of a foreign invasion, corruption must be identified as treason. The fight against corruption at all levels must therefore be controlled by workers. They are giving their lives on the front lines as soldiers, defending the territory with their weapons, and sustaining the battered economy in the rear. This economy must be put at the service of national defense, not local oligarchs and foreign usurers.
The working class must control production and finance in factories, mines, and fields throughout the country. It is the working class that endures deprivation and destruction from Putin’s genocidal bombings. To achieve national liberation, Ukraine’s working class must win political independence and take the leadership of the war against Putin’s imperialist invasion and the colonization and plunder by Western imperialists into their own hands.
In the context of this colonial offensive, we denounce the reactionary policy of integrating into the European Union and NATO. What guarantee did the 1994 Budapest Memorandum offer Ukraine?
Under that agreement signed by the United States and the United Kingdom, Ukraine agreed to transfer its entire nuclear arsenal to Russia in exchange for an unconditional commitment to respect its territorial integrity. What good did that do? Nothing! Once again, the imperialists lied and disarmed Ukraine in order to plunder and subjugate it.
This is why we assert that the only way to ensure territorial integrity and independence is through a working-class government and a united workers’ state in Europe. To this end, we call for the unity of all oppressed peoples’ struggles, beginning with the heroic Palestinian people’s struggle against Zionism and the struggle of the peoples of the Russian Federation and the former Soviet Union against the Kremlin’s oppression and that of its satellite regimes, such as Lukashenko’s in Belarus.
We support the Ukrainian people’s demand for weapons to resist Putin’s invasion and drive out the aggressors.
Armed with this perspective and program, we call for building the revolutionary party of the working class in Ukraine.
