— PST (Socialist Workers’ Party) of Colombia
In a historic trial, former Colombian president Álvaro Uribe Vélez was convicted of bribery and procedural fraud. It was proven that he offered money to witnesses in exchange for their silence and false testimony, as well as for altering evidence in his favor. He did this to hide his links to paramilitarism. This is a historic event, as Uribe is the first former Colombian president to be convicted in a criminal trial, meaning he is a convicted criminal.
The case dates back to 2012 when Uribe, a senator at the time, accused his fellow senator, Iván Cepeda, of witness tampering. However, in 2018, the Supreme Court ruled that Uribe had committed the crimes of bribery and procedural fraud. Uribe was arrested and imprisoned on his ranch, El Ubérrimo.
Then, he renounced his congressional immunity so that his friend, prosecutor Francisco Barbosa, could “investigate” him. Uribe was released on October 10, 2020. Barbosa tried many times to close the case without success.
On April 9, 2024, the new prosecutor, Luz Adriana Camargo, reopened the case, bringing Uribe to trial on three charges: bribery, procedural fraud, and bribery in criminal proceedings.
The prosecution accused Uribe of orchestrating a witness tampering scheme through his lawyer, Diego Cadena. Cadena attempted to bribe individuals who had testified against Uribe and his brother, Santiago, for their alleged ties to paramilitarism. During the trial, many witnesses confirmed that Uribe had tried to bribe them.
This trial is similar to the one that convicted American mobster Al Capone of lesser crimes. Similarly, Al Capone was convicted of tax evasion, not for his murders. Likewise, Uribe was convicted of tampering with evidence and bribing witnesses, even though the evidence suggests that he is guilty of paramilitarism.
How was this conviction achieved?
In addition to the courage of the judge and prosecutor who tried him despite threats to their lives, intense political pressure, and the significance of trying a former president, his conviction indicates conflicts within the bourgeoisie. There is a faction, the Santos camp, that wants to undermine Uribism. Figures such as former prosecutor Montealegre pushed for his conviction because of this. In other words, the bourgeoisie did not unite in defense of Uribe. This does not mean that the trial and conviction were the result of a conspiracy. Rather, it suggests that a sector of the bourgeoisie has long sought the re-institutionalization of the state and, of course, to weaken the other parties electorally in the lead-up to the 2026 presidential elections.
Second, the conviction reflects the current stage of the class struggle in the country. We have characterized this stage as pre-revolutionary following the social uprising that took place between 2019 and 2021. During this time, the masses took the initiative and prepared for action. This is evident in the celebrations that took place in Bogotá and other cities after the conviction was announced. This ruling is an indirect result of the social uprising and democratic struggles of recent years.
We reject imperialist interference
US imperialism, led by the Republican Party and the Trump administration, has intervened against the trial and conviction of Uribe. This occurred just days after sanctions were imposed on Brazil regarding the trial of Bolsonaro. Like these sanctions, they represent an attack on sovereignty. There are political reasons to favor ultra-right allies in Latin American countries, as well as economic reasons related to general spending cuts and contradictions regarding the BRICS.
Senators Mario Diaz-Balart and Bernie Moreno, as well as State Department head Marco Rubio, have spoken out in this regard, threatening to cut “aid” to Colombia as part of cooperation agreements. Petro responded to Trump on Twitter, demanding respect, yet he has not taken a single concrete measure to preserve national sovereignty. It is necessary to redouble mobilization efforts not only against Uribe and Uribism but also against Trump and imperialism.
A partial victory
Uribe’s conviction is politically significant for the democratic struggle. At the same time, however, it is important to acknowledge that it is a limited victory. The celebration promoted by the reformists is based on confidence in bourgeois justice, capitalism, the bourgeois state, and its institutional framework. In fact, it is likely that this democratic victory will be exploited for electoral gain to bolster Cepeda’s campaign.
On Thursday, August 1, Judge Sandra Heredia sentenced Uribe to 12 years in prison, disqualified him from public office for eight years, and fined him a million dollars. The sentence is enforceable immediately, contrary to the defense’s request that Uribe remain free until the appeals process is complete. Due to his age and the nature of the crime, however, the judge granted him house arrest, meaning he will serve his sentence on his ranch or in one of his mansions rather than in prison.
Uribe’s supporters have announced they will appeal to the Superior Court of Bogotá, which must rule before October 8 to prevent the case from expiring. If the court upholds the conviction, Uribe has said he will appeal to the Supreme Court of Justice. There, the process could take another two years.
We demand a trial and punishment for paramilitarism and related crimes
However, given that Uribe was convicted for the least of his crimes, we are far from achieving justice. Workers and popular sectors must fight for Uribe to be tried and convicted of the most serious crimes, including crimes against humanity and systematic attacks on the working class and peasantry using methods of civil war. This includes his responsibility for the La Granja, San Roque, and El Aro massacres, as well as the proven extrajudicial execution of at least 6,402 young people from working-class neighborhoods, although the actual number is estimated to be over 10,000.
We do not trust bourgeois justice because it serves the capitalist class. The rich serve their sentences in luxury prison wings, military barracks, mansions, and estates. Poor prisoners, on the other hand, are crammed into small, degrading spaces. One justice for the rich and another for the poor is the general criterion in class societies. During the French Revolution, the guillotine was introduced not only to humanize execution, but also to “democratize” punishment. Common criminals were executed alongside King Louis XVI and Queen Antoinette.
Our lack of trust in bourgeois justice does not mean that we should not demand it. This is why we insist that Uribe be tried for crimes related to paramilitarism, not just minor crimes. We also demand the establishment of a workers’ and people’s tribunal, comprised of workers’ organizations, peasants, students, and victims.
Impeachment proceedings must also be initiated against him for his other crimes against the Colombian people, such as impoverishment, debt, and promoting war. The tribunal must not be a sham nor used to defend the political regime. Additionally, we demand that all those responsible for decades of genocide against peasants and the workers’ and popular vanguard be tried and convicted. This is all part of the struggle to overthrow the authoritarian political regime in Colombia, which necessarily involves democratic and radical agrarian reform that expropriates those who expropriated the peasantry. It also involves the trial and punishment of Uribe and all military and paramilitary leaders, as well as the businessmen who use paramilitarism against union leaders, who are all responsible for the genocide against the social and popular movement in recent decades, including the repression during the social uprising.
For now, we will continue to demand that the sentence be upheld on appeal, that the convicted man serve his sentence in prison, and that the trial for his greater crimes begin as soon as possible.
