{"id":7960,"date":"2017-05-10T19:24:36","date_gmt":"2017-05-10T19:24:36","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/litci.org\/en\/?p=7960"},"modified":"2017-05-10T19:24:36","modified_gmt":"2017-05-10T19:24:36","slug":"the-third-international-and-its-place-in-history","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/litci.org\/en\/the-third-international-and-its-place-in-history\/","title":{"rendered":"The Third International and\u00a0Its Place in History"},"content":{"rendered":"

Written:<\/strong>\u00a015 April, 1919<\/em>
\n First Published:<\/strong>\u00a0Published in May 1919; Published according to the manuscript.<\/em>
\n Source:<\/strong>\u00a0Lenin\u2019s\u00a0Collected Works, 4th English Edition, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1972 Volume 29, pages 305-313<\/em>
\nWritten:<\/strong>\u00a0V. I. Lenin<\/em>
\n Translated:<\/strong>\u00a0George Hanna<\/em>
\n 
\nThe imperialists of the Entente countries[1]<\/a> are blockading Russia in an effort to cut off the Soviet Republic, as a seat of infection, from the capitalist world. These people, who boast about their \u201cdemocratic\u201d institutions, are so blinded by their hatred of the Soviet Republic that they do not see how ridiculous they are making themselves. Just think of it, the advanced, most civilised and \u201cdemocratic\u201d countries, armed to the teeth and enjoying undivided military sway over the whole world, are mortally afraid of the\u00a0ideological<\/em>\u00a0infection coming from a ruined, starving, backward, and even, they assert, semi-savage country!
\nThis contradiction alone is opening the eyes of the working masses in all countries and helping to expose the hypocrisy of the imperialists Clemanceau, Lloyd George, Wilson and their governments.[2]<\/a>
\nWe are being helped, however, not only by the capitalists\u2019 blind hatred of the Soviets, but also by their bickering among themselves, which induces them to put spokes in each other\u2019s wheels. They have entered into a veritable conspiracy of silence, for they are desperately afraid of the spread of true information about the Soviet Republic in general, and of its official documents in particular. Yet,\u00a0Le Temps<\/em>, the principal organ of the French bourgeoisie, has published a report on the foundation in Moscow of the Third, Communist International.
\nFor this we express our most respectful thanks to the principal organ of the French bourgeoisie, to this leader of French chauvinism and imperialism. We are prepared to send an illuminated address to\u00a0Le Temps<\/em>\u00a0in token of our appreciation of the effective and able assistance it is giving us.
\nThe manner in which\u00a0Le Temps<\/em>\u00a0compiled its report on the basis of our wireless messages clearly and fully reveals the motive that prompted this organ of the money-bags. It wanted to have a dig at Wilson, as if to say, \u201cLook at the people with whom you negotiate!\u201d The wiseacres who write to the order of the money-bags do not see that their attempt to frighten Wilson with the Bolshevik bogey is becoming, in the eyes of the working people, an advertisement for the Bolsheviks. Once more, our most respectful thanks to the organ of the French millionaires!
\nThe Third International has been founded in a world situation that does not allow prohibitions, petty and miserable devices of the Entente imperialists or of capitalist lackeys like the Scheidemanns in Germany and the Renners in Austria[3]<\/a> to prevent news of this International and sympathy for it spreading among the working class of the world. This situation has been brought about by the growth of the proletarian revolution, which is manifestly developing everywhere by leaps and bounds. It has been brought about by the\u00a0Soviet<\/em>\u00a0movement among the working people, which has already achieved such strength as to become reallyinternational<\/em>.
\nThe First International (1864-72) laid the foundation of an international organisation of the workers for the preparation of their revolutionary attack on capital. The Second International (1889-1914) was an international organisation of the proletarian movement whose growth proceeded in\u00a0breadth<\/em>, at the cost of a temporary drop in the revolutionary level, a temporary strengthening of opportunism, which in the end led to the disgraceful collapse of this International.
\nThe Third International actually emerged in 1918, when the long years of struggle against opportunism and social-chauvinism[4]<\/a>, especially during the war, led to the formation of Communist Parties in a number of countries. Officially, the Third International was founded at its First Congress, in March 1919, in Moscow. And the most characteristic feature of this International, its mission of fulfilling, of implementing the precepts of Marxism, and of achieving the age-old ideals of socialism and the working-class movement\u2014this most characteristic feature of the Third International has manifested itself immediately in the fact that the new, third, \u201cInternational Working Men\u2019s Association\u201d\u00a0has already begun to develop<\/em>, to a certain extent, into a\u00a0union of Soviet Socialist Republics<\/em>.
\nThe First International laid the foundation of the proletarian, international struggle for socialism.
\nThe Second International marked a period in which the soil was prepared for the broad, mass spread of the movement in a number of countries.
\nThe Third International has gathered the fruits of the work of the Second International, discarded its opportunist, social-chauvinist, bourgeois and petty-bourgeois dross, and\u00a0has begun to implement<\/em>\u00a0the dictatorship of the proletariat.
\nThe international alliance of the parties which are leading the most revolutionary movement in the world, the movement of the proletariat for the overthrow of the yoke of capital, now rests on an unprecedentedly firm base, in the shape of several\u00a0Soviet republics<\/em>, which are implementing the dictatorship of the proletariat and are the embodiment of victory over capitalism on an international scale.
\nThe epoch-making significance of the Third, Communist International lies in its having begun to give effect to Marx\u2019s cardinal slogan, the slogan which sums up the centuries-old development of socialism and the working-class movement, the slogan which is expressed in the concept of the dictatorship of the proletariat.
\nThis prevision and this theory\u2014the prevision and theory of a genius\u2014are becoming a reality.
\nThe Latin words have now been translated into the languages of all the peoples of contemporary Europe\u2014more, into all the languages of the world. A new era in world history has begun. Mankind is throwing off the last form of slavery: capitalist, or wage, slavery. By emancipating himself from slavery, man is for the first time advancing to real freedom.
\nHow is it that one of the most backward countries of Europe was the first country to establish the dictatorship of the proletariat, and to organise a Soviet republic? We shall hardly be wrong if we say that it is this contradiction between the backwardness of Russia and the \u201cleap\u201d she has made over bourgeois democracy to the highest form of democracy, to Soviet, or proletarian, democracy\u2014it is this contradiction that has been one of the reasons (apart from the dead weight of opportunist habits and philistine prejudices that burdened the majority of the socialist leaders) why people in the West have had particular difficulty or have been slow in understanding the role of the Soviets.
\nThe working people all over the world have instinctively grasped the significance of the Soviets as an instrument in the proletarian struggle and as a form of the proletarian state. But the \u201cleaders\u201d, corrupted by opportunism, still continue to worship bourgeois democracy, which they call \u201cdemocracy\u201d in general.
\nIs it surprising that the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat has brought out primarily the \u201ccontradiction\u201d between the backwardness of Russia and her \u201cleap\u201d\u00a0over<\/em>\u00a0bourgeois democracy? It would have been surprising had history granted us the establishment of a new form of democracy\u00a0without<\/em>\u00a0a number of contradictions.
\nIf any Marxist, or any person, indeed, who has a general knowledge of modern science, were asked whether it is likely that the transition of the different capitalist countries to the dictatorship of the proletariat will take place in an identical or harmoniously proportionate way, his answer would undoubtedly be in the negative. There never has been and never could be even, harmonious, or proportionate development in the capitalist world. Each country has developed more strongly first one, then another aspect or feature or group of features of capitalism and of the working-class movement. The process of development has been uneven.
\nWhen France was carrying out her great bourgeois revolution and rousing the whole European continent to a historically new life, Britain proved to be at the head of the counter-revolutionary coalition, although at the same time she was much more developed capitalistically than France. The British working-class movement of that period, however, brilliantly anticipated much that was contained in the future Marxism.
\nWhen Britain gave the world Chartism,[5]<\/a> the first broad, truly mass and politically organised proletarian revolutionary movement, bourgeois revolutions, most of them weak, were taking place on the European continent, and the first great civil war between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie had broken out in France. The bourgeoisie defeated the various national contingents of the proletariat one by one, in different ways in different countries.
\nBritain was the model of a country in which, as Engels put it, the bourgeoisie had produced, alongside a bourgeois aristocracy, a very bourgeois upper stratum of the proletariat.[I]<\/sup><\/a>\u00a0For several decades this advanced capitalist country lagged behind in the revolutionary struggle of the proletariat. France seemed to have exhausted the strength of the proletariat in two heroic working-class revolts of 1848 and 1871 against the bourgeoisie that made very considerable contributions to world-historical development. Leadership in the International of the working-class movement then passed to Germany; that was in the seventies of the nineteenth century, when she lagged economically behind Britain and France. But when Germany had out stripped these two countries economically, i.e., by the second decade of the twentieth century, the Marxist workers\u2019 party of Germany, that model for the whole world, found itself headed by a handful of utter scoundrels, the most filthy blackguards -from Scheidemann and Noske to David and Legien[6]<\/a> – loathsome hangmen drawn from the workers\u2019 ranks who had sold themselves to the capitalists, who were in the service of the monarchy and the counter-revolutionary bourgeoisie.
\nWorld history is leading unswervingly towards the dictatorship of the proletariat, but is doing so by paths that are anything but smooth, simple and straight.
\nWhen Karl Kautsky[7]<\/a> was still a Marxist and not the renegade from Marxism he became when he began to champion unity with the Scheidemanns and to support bourgeois democracy against Soviet, or proletarian, democracy, he wrote an article\u2014this was at the turn of the century\u2014entitled \u201cThe Slavs and Revolution\u201d. In this article he traced the historical conditions that pointed to the possibility of leadership in the world revolutionary movement passing to the Slavs.
\nAnd so it has. Leadership in the revolutionary proletarian International has passed for a time\u2014for a short time, it goes without saying\u2014to the Russians, just as at various periods of the nineteenth century it was in the hands of the British, then of the French, then of the Germans.
\nI have had occasion more than once to say that it was easier for the Russians than for the advanced countries\u00a0to begin<\/em>\u00a0the great proletarian revolution, but that it will be more difficult for them\u00a0to continue<\/em>\u00a0it and carry it to final victory, in the sense of the complete organisation of a socialist society.
\nIt was easier for us to begin, firstly, because the unusual\u2014for twentieth-century Europe\u2014political backwardness of the tsarist monarchy gave unusual strength to the revolutionary onslaught of the masses. Secondly, Russia\u2019s backwardness merged in a peculiar way the proletarian revolution against the bourgeoisie with the peasant revolution against the landowners. That is what we started from in October 1917, and we would not have achieved victory so easily then if we had not. As long ago as 1856, Marx spoke, in reference to Prussia; of the possibility of a peculiar combination of proletarian revolution and peasant war.[II]<\/sup><\/a>\u00a0From the beginning of 1905 the Bolsheviks advocated the idea of a revolutionary-democratic dictatorship of the proletariat and the peasantry. Thirdly, the 1905 revolution contributed enormously to the political education of the worker and peasant masses, because it familiarised their vanguard with \u201cthe last word\u201d of socialism in the West and also because of the revolutionary action of the masses. Without such a \u201cdress rehearsal\u201d as we had in 1905, the revolutions of 1917\u2014both the bourgeois, February revolution, and the proletarian, October revolution\u2014would have been impossible. Fourthly, Russia\u2019s geographical conditions permitted her to hold out longer than other countries could have done against the superior military strength of the capitalist, advanced countries. Fifthly, the specific attitude of the proletariat towards the peasantry facilitated the transition from the bourgeois revolution to the socialist revolution, made it easier for the urban proletarians to influence the semi-proletarian, poorer sections of the rural working people. Sixthly, long schooling in strike action and the experience of the European mass working-class movement facilitated the emergence\u2014in a profound and rapidly intensifying revolutionary situation\u2014of such a unique form of proletarian revolutionary organisation as theSoviets<\/em>. This list, of course, is incomplete; but it will suffice for the time being.
\nSoviet, or proletarian, democracy was born in Russia. Following the Paris Commune a second epoch-making step was taken. The proletarian and peasant Soviet Republic has proved to be the first stable socialist republic in the world. As a\u00a0new type of state<\/em>\u00a0it cannot die. It no longer stands alone.
\nFor the continuance and completion of the work of building socialism, much, very much is still required. Soviet republics in more developed countries, where the proletariat has greater weight and influence, have every chance of surpassing Russia once they take the path of the dictatorship of the proletariat.
\nThe bankrupt Second International is now dying and rotting alive. Actually, it is playing the role of lackey to the world bourgeoisie. It is a truly yellow International. Its foremost ideological leaders, such as Kautsky, laud\u00a0bourgeois<\/em>\u00a0democracy and call it \u201cdemocracy\u201d in general, or\u2014what is still more stupid and still more crude\u2014\u201cpure democracy\u201d.
\nBourgeois democracy has outlived its day, just as the Second International has, though the International performed historically necessary and useful work when the task of the moment was to train the working-class masses within the framework of this bourgeois democracy.
\nNo bourgeois republic, however democratic, ever was or could have been anything but a machine for the suppression of the working people by capital, an instrument of the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie, the political rule of capital. The democratic bourgeois republic promised and proclaimed majority rule, but it could never put this into effect as long as private ownership of the land and other means of production existed.
\n\u201cFreedom\u201d in the bourgeois-democratic republic was actually freedom\u00a0for the rich<\/em>. The proletarians and working peasants could and should have utilised it for the purpose of preparing their forces to overthrow capital, to overcome bourgeois democracy, but\u00a0in fact<\/em>\u00a0the working masses were, as a general rule, unable to enjoy democracy under capitalism.
\nSoviet or proletarian,\u00a0democracy<\/em>\u00a0has for the first time in the world created democracy for the masses, for the working people, for the factory workers and small peasants.
\nNever yet has the world seen political power wielded by the\u00a0majority<\/em>\u00a0of the population, power\u00a0actually<\/em>\u00a0wielded by this majority, as it is in the case of Soviet rule.
\nIt suppresses the \u201cfreedom\u201d of the exploiters and their accomplices; it deprives them of \u201cfreedom\u201d to exploit, \u201cfreedom\u201d to batten on starvation, \u201cfreedom\u201d to fight for the restoration of the rule of capital, \u201cfreedom\u201d to compact with the foreign bourgeoisie against the workers and peasants of their own country.
\nLet the Kautskys champion such freedom. Only a renegade from Marxism, a renegade from socialism can do so.
\nIn nothing is the bankruptcy of the ideological leaders of the Second International, people like Hilferding[8]<\/a> and Kautsky, so strikingly expressed as in their utter inability to understand the significance of Soviet, or proletarian, democracy, its relation to the Paris Commune, its place in history, its necessity as a form of the dictatorship of the proletariat.
\nThe newspaper\u00a0Die Freiheit<\/em>, organ of the \u201cIndependent\u201d (alias middle-class, philistine, petty-bourgeois) German Social-Democratic Party, in its issue No. 74 of February 11, 1919, published a manifesto \u201cTo the Revolutionary Proletariat of Germany\u201d.
\nThis manifesto is signed by the Party executive and by all its members in the National Assembly, the German variety of our Constituent Assembly.
\nThis manifesto accuses the Scheidemanns of wanting to abolish the\u00a0Workers\u2019 Councils<\/em>, and proposes\u2014don\u2019t laugh!\u2014that the Councils be combined with the Assembly, that the Councils be granted certain political rights, a certain place in the Constitution.
\nTo reconcile, to unite the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie and the dictatorship of the proletariat! How simple! What a brilliantly philistine idea!
\nThe only pity is that it was tried in Russia, under Kerensky, by the united Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries,[9]<\/a> those petty-bourgeois democrats who imagine themselves socialists.
\nAnyone who has read Marx and failed to understand that in capitalist society, at every acute moment, in every serious class conflict, the alternative is either the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie or the dictatorship of the proletariat, has understood nothing of either the economic or the political doctrines of Marx.
\nBut the brilliantly philistine idea of Hilferding, Kautsky and Co. of peacefully combining the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie and the dictatorship of the proletariat requires special examination, if exhaustive treatment is to be given to the economic and political absurdities with which this most remarkable and comical manifesto of February 11 is packed. That will have to be put off for another article.[III]<\/sup><\/a>
\nMoscow, April 15, 1919.
\n***<\/p>\n

Endnotes:<\/h3>\n

[I]<\/a>\u00a0Marx and Engels,\u00a0Selected<\/em>\u00a0Correspondence, Moscow, 1965, p. 110.
\n[II]<\/a>\u00a0Marx and Engels,\u00a0Selected<\/em>\u00a0Correspondence, Moscow, 1965, p. 92.
\n[III]<\/a>\u00a0See pp. 392-401 of this volume.
\nCollected Works Volume 29<\/a><\/strong>
\n<\/strong>
\n***
\nEditor Notes:<\/strong>
\n[1]<\/a> Entente: military bloc created in WWI that included France, Great Britain, Russia and the U.S. Russia left the bloc after the October Revolution.
\n[2]<\/a> Clemenceau, Lloyd George, Wilson: Rulers of France, G.B. and U.S. respectively, at the moment.
\n[3]<\/a> Scheidemann was a Social-Democrat Chancellor in Germany, 1919, and Renner, also Social-Democrat, was the first Chief of the Republic in Austria, 1918-1919.
\n[4]<\/a> Social-chauvinism: Lenin\u2019s denomination to the Social-Democrat currents that military supported their respective bourgeois governments during WWI.
\n[5]<\/a> Chartism: British movement that developed during the first part of the XIX century, around the so-called People\u2019s Charter, essentially demanding electoral and democratic rights for the working class.
\n[6]<\/a> Noske, David & Legien: German Social-Democrat leaders that were ministers of the Schedemann administration.
\n[7]<\/a> Karl Kautsky (1854-1938), Czech-Austrian Social-Democrat leader. He was the main theoretician of the II International. Since the WWI on (1914), he turned to more and more opportunist stands.
\n[8]<\/a> Hilferding: Austrian Social-Democrat economist and leader. He was minister of several bourgeois governments in his country and in Germany,
\n[9]<\/a> Aleksandr Kerenski, leader of the Russian reformist left, he was the chief of the last bourgeois government before the revolution of 1917. The Mensheviks were the capitulating and opportunist branch of Russian Marxists (in opposition to the Bolsheviks); the SRs (\u201cSRists\u201d) were the Russian \u201crevolutionary socialists\u201d, non-Marxist left tendency with weight among peasants and urban intellectuality before the revolution.
\n <\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Written:\u00a015 April, 1919 First Published:\u00a0Published in May 1919; Published according to the manuscript. Source:\u00a0Lenin\u2019s\u00a0Collected Works, 4th English Edition, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1972 Volume 29, pages 305-313 Written:\u00a0V. I. Lenin Translated:\u00a0George Hanna<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":7961,"menu_order":1386,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"litci_post_political_author":"","_jetpack_memberships_contains_paid_content":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[3645,4872,4419,3491],"tags":[4924,4925,4702,4927,4930,4929],"class_list":["post-7960","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-history","category-lenin","category-special-russian-revolution","category-theory","tag-comintern","tag-communist-international","tag-russian-revolution","tag-third-international","tag-vladimir-illich-lenin-2","tag-vladimir-illich-lenin"],"yoast_head":"\nThe Third International and\u00a0Its Place in History - International Worker's League<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/litci.org\/en\/the-third-international-and-its-place-in-history\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"The Third International and\u00a0Its Place in History - International Worker's League\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Written:\u00a015 April, 1919 First Published:\u00a0Published in May 1919; Published according to the manuscript. 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