{"id":75956,"date":"2026-04-24T15:53:06","date_gmt":"2026-04-24T15:53:06","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/litci.org\/en\/?p=75956"},"modified":"2026-04-24T15:54:10","modified_gmt":"2026-04-24T15:54:10","slug":"the-workers-uprising-in-noida","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/litci.org\/en\/the-workers-uprising-in-noida\/","title":{"rendered":"The worker\u2019s uprising in\u00a0Noida"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

Events of 10th<\/sup> to 13th<\/sup> April <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

It had been only a few months back that the contract workers of Indian Oil Company had revolted in a wildcat strike. They were protesting the conditions of work for contract workers. The uprising inspired petro chemical workers in Surat where the same conditions were replicated.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Now, the fire spreads from Panipat in Haryana to the streets of Noida, Uttar Pradesh. Noida is the so-called Millenium city of India, a poster child for neo-liberal growth. The militant protests of workers have made non-sense of this illusion of neo-liberal capitalist development.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The workers of Noida were peacefully protesting against the basic wage structure, in Uttar Pradesh where average salaries range from 11,000 to 13,000 rupees and most workers earn around 13,000 rupees while spending 5,000 for rent. The demand of the workers is a basic wage of at least 20,000. This is the bare minimum a worker would need to survive in the context of rising costs, especially of fuel and rent.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The workers saw wage increases in Haryana, not long after the uprising of oil workers and contract workers which spread across Northern and Western India. This inspired workers in Noida to come out on the path of struggle. At first, the protests for wage increases were peaceful, but once the police began a crackdown on the workers, the protests took a turn towards violence, with some workers allegedly attacking and burning cars, storming offices, and attacking journalists. Forty thousand workers across the industrial belt mobilized for this strike.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The state brought the full force of repression to contain the agitation, arbitrarily arresting at least 50 workers, and injuring several others. Despite this repression, the protests continue. The state attempted to pacify workers with concessions. The Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh Yogi Adityanath, is amongst the most reactionary figures in India today, not long after the protest took a violent turn, he came out condemning the protests as somehow being sponsored by Pakistani agents. In the same breadth, he announced wage hikes for workers.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The truth is, that reactionary leaders trying to show themselves are ones who care for the country, only really care about the rule of capital. Foreign companies can exploit and underpay workers, even kill them, and that is not anti-national but workers demanding a decent wage to live a dignified life makes them \u2018naxalite\u2019 and \u2018agents of pakistan\u2019 ?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The workers would not have resorted to violence that they did, had the state listened to their grievances and made at least some earnest efforts to raise wages. The state instead, resorted to repression as reply to the worker\u2019s demands. The result was the workers fighting back.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Background <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

India today is one of the largest economies in the world, at the same time its people are among the poorest in the world. Most of India\u2019s economic growth is not powered by the systematic drain of manpower and resources of its vast countryside. Indian capitalism benefits chiefly from the process of proletarianization. That means, the steady and systematic destruction of small property owning businessmen, farmers, and rural artisans, who are reduced to wage slaves. The millions of youth who have to sell their labour to earn a living flood India\u2019s cities to find jobs in factories, often as underpaid overworked contract workers, fuel India\u2019s \u2018rise\u2019. This \u2018rise\u2019 is limited to the top 1% of the population, the billionaires and high net worth millionaires.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Since the 1980s some cities became new centres of industry and new hubs for attracting freshly proletarianized workers. As old centres of industry in Bombay, Calcutta, Kanpur and others began to decline, the new industrial centres rose, chief among them were Noida and Gurgaon in the Delhi National Capital Region. With the liberalization of the Indian economy, foreign capital was added to the mix. Proletarianization picked pace, and India\u2019s industrial expansion shot off, with it the newly industrializing cities grew fast.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The new wave of proletarianization occurred at a time when there was a decline of labour militancy, the decline of leftist parties, and the rise of reactionary Hindutva politics. The new political and economic order in India was now aimed at allowing unbridled capitalist growth, the cost was ultimately paid by the working class. A strong militant trade unionism ensured better working conditions, acting as a barrier against brazen exploitation by factory owners, it ensured that at least some organized sectors would provide stable permanent jobs.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The weakening of the trade union movement, expanded privatization and liberalization, allowed for the rise of contract based employment. The contract work system creates a system of devolution where the employer\u2019s responsibility is deflected over to contractors, who may then deflect it further to sub-contractors. The worker is often left running from pillar to post demanding the most basic pay, only to be denied on the excuse that paying them is not the responsibility of the contractor or employer. The Delhi NCR industrial belt sits at the centre of this oppressive system.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The wave of labour militancy in this region is not new, the historic strikes at Manesar Gurgaon, at Suzuki motors and Honda set the pattern of class struggle in the wider region. Both these cases involved foreign companies, specifically Japanese capital, which pioneered the exploitative practices that were a model in the Delhi National Capital Region.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Many of the issues raised in those strikes, still resonate today, such as fixed eight hour work days, decent working conditions, and living wages. It also highlighted the militancy of the industrial working class, particularly in this new industrial belt of North India stretching from Punjab to Western Uttar Pradesh. Quite critically, many of the workers involved were recently proletarianized, being those who hail from the countryside or small towns of India, pushed into industrial centres to survive.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The strikes in Manesar did not just pit the workers against the specific management of Honda and Suzuki motors, it pit them against a whole system of exploitation. The confrontation resulted in the victory of capital, and the sustenance of the methods of exploitation. However, the strikes also showed the potential of workers fighting back against the most committed of capitalists. It showed how a militant struggle is waged, and that it can be waged. Despite the defeat, a new confidence was imbibed in the workers of North India\u2019s foremost industrial belt.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The struggles that have broken out have resonated beyond the North, with contract workers in Surat\u2019s oil industry striking, inspired by their comrades in Panipat\u2019s Indian Oil refinery. Here again, we see the confrontation of contract workers, revolting against the oppressive system of contract work.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The strike <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

The protests which flared up in Noida actually began ten days before in Manesar at Suzuki Motorcycle company, workers began protesting for higher wages. This resonated with workers in the Noida industrial belt, across sector 62 and sector 84. Haryana has a basic wage of up to 19,000, far higher than the highest wage available in Noida, Uttar Pradesh. A strike for higher wages began on the 6th<\/sup> of April at Manesar and continued on peacefully, quickly spreading across the entire industrial belt, eventually reaching Noida.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Anger and frustration was beginning to boil over, worsened by the rising costs of living due to the LPG and gas shortage, caused by the war in Iran. Years of stagnating wages, increasing work hours, and irregular pay eventually boiled over to agitation. Peaceful protests began on the 10th<\/sup> which took a violent turn on the 13th<\/sup> of April. One of the centres of protest was the Motherson company factory, where wages had been stagnant for years.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The disorganized and spontaneous nature of the mobilization created conditions where some violence would naturally occurred. The anger of the workers was once more directed against the biased \u2018Godi\u2019 (lapdog) media of the government. The media for its part went from making a somewhat sympathetic coverage of the workers initially, to focussing only on the violence committed by a few workers, to eventually parroting the government\u2019s propaganda that the eruption was some conspiracy against the BJP government, aimed at \u2018reviving naxalism\u2019.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The immediate response of the state was to deploy thousands of police officers to contain the agitation. They fired tear gas shells and water cannon, instances of lathi charge were reported which saw dozens of workers being injured. Repression was soon followed by propaganda, then efforts at pacification by the government of Uttar Pradesh. Wage hikes were announced, which still fell short of the demand by workers.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

After the arrests, the protests calmed down somewhat. No major opposition party was present on the days of the protests, the CITU and CPIM did come out in support of the workers, but days after the protests. Not only did oppositional bourgeois parties, not support the strike, some like the Samajwadi party (SP), the largest oppositional bourgeois party of Uttar Pradesh, came out condemning the protest of the workers. For Akhilesh Yadav, the leader of the SP, this was just another instance he could use to attack the Chief Minister of the state.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Since the uprising on the 13th<\/sup>, repression has only hardened. As of writing this article, nearly 1000 workers have been arrested, 43 contractor licenses have been cancelled, leading to loss of work for thousands.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

As of writing this article, protests still continue though in a more muted form. The acts of violence and blockade of key highways brought the media\u2019s attention on the worker\u2019s struggle, now that the blockades are lifted the news media has gone back to ignoring the protests and the issues they raised.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Driving forces : (Proletarianization, capital accumulation, world crisis, inflation, agricultural crisis)<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

The protests in Noida was not an isolated occurrence, but part of a wider wave of struggles emerging throughout India\u2019s industrial belts. Since the strikes at Manesar at Suzuki and Honda motors, the region has been a hotbed of class struggle with industrial workers at the forefront. Historically, labour unions linked with the CPIM or other Socialist parties, were at the forefront of organized agitation. The direct link between political representation, ideology and class struggle was a defining character in Indian labour struggles throughout the pre-independence period, and remained so for the first four decades after independence.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

After liberalization, the capitalist class became emboldened, empowered by reactionary parties at the helm, the weakening of the Socialist movement following the collapse of the Soviet Union, and the further degeneration of established trade unions and the Stalinist parties that led them. This toxic combination created conditions which would allow new industries to exploit workers more brazenly, with little to no accountability.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Indian capital relied largely on the state sector, steep tariffs and license regime that ensured the maintenance of the monopoly of the leading capitalist houses. While it slowed the economy, it also provided an avenue for stable job creation in a large public sector. Over the decades, the public sector has been weakened, first by bureaucratic mismanagement and corruption, then by steady and systematic privatization. The condition of work within the public sector is barely any better than the private sector with widespread contractorization of work taking place.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The opening up of the Indian economy hastened the downfall of India\u2019s public sector. The weakening of labour regulations allowed employers to shift more work over to outsourced contract work, which added another obstacle to the organizing of labour. The old trade unions, already suffering from political degeneration, were ill equipped to meet this challenge. The new more exploitative capitalist model has presented worse conditions of work, as the only viable escape from an ever worsening condition in the countryside. Here, we see the basic machinery of the Indian capitalist state at work, the machinery of proletarianization.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The destruction of agriculture, petty production, and artisanal work forces more and more of the youth away from small towns and villages into new and coming industrial cities like Noida, where they are given the only work that pays. The rush of new young workers, whose numbers grow by tens of thousands every year provides ample cheap labour to depress the wage rate across industry. The process has gained pace under the BJP government, who have proven themselves to be an implacable enemy of both workers and farmers. Since coming to power, the government has pursued policies which brazenly benefit its own cronies, they have forced through the Labour Codes, dismantled protections for farmers and tribal populations making it easier to displace and exploit the countryside. As much as Modi wanted it, he could not force through the farm laws, thanks entirely to the spirited fight back by farmers across the country.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The rising cost of living, especially in fuel and electricity, stagnating wages, and increasing precarity, have all added to the frustrations of young workers. Companies have become bolder in hire and fire, while avenues for good permanent jobs either decrease or stagnate. One of the woman workers on strike, Babita Singh, said it best \u201cMy salary is between \u20b911,000-\u20b913,000 for a 10- or 12-hour shift in a garment factory. I haven\u2019t been given any increment in the last two years. It\u2019s difficult to survive and help the family with this salary. We are underpaid and exploited. Many a time, our salary is late by two months,\u201d (sourced from the Hindu).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

While India\u2019s capitalists become some of the wealthiest and most powerful businessmen in the world, India\u2019s workers remain trapped in poverty. The Indian worker is the most vulnerable to economic shocks, be it demonetization or the COVID pandemic. The repeated disruptions since COVID has been particularly hard on the working class and farmers of India. Industrial workers, transport workers, and especially healthcare workers, were forced on the path of struggle.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The pandemic was harsh on India, not only because of the large scale of death and economic disruptions, but also because of the extent to which the Indian government mishandled the situation. Migrant workers were especially affected because of the suspension of train and bus services. There were instances of workers having to literally fight their way through simply to get back home from their workplaces, under conditions of total lockdown.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In the aftermath of the pandemic, we have witnessed a rise of militancy. Wages stagnated or fell, many months of work and income was lost, but living costs kept rising. The dust had barely settled on the pandemic and lockdowns, that the world was plunged into another crisis, following the Russo-Ukrainian war. Now, not only did fuel costs rise, so did food costs as a vital source of agricultural export was effectively shut off.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Industrial workers were not immune from the impact of these events. In fact, they were deeply affected. The strike at Samsung factory in Sriperambudoor was driven in good part by the conditions created by pandemic and rising costs from war. In the five years since lockdowns ended, the conditions for the working class have not improved even slightly. The Indian government has doubled down on its anti-worker policies. We are seeing this in how insistent the government was to pass the Labour Codes, and now in its willingness to mount repression on workers in Noida.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Need for solidarity : (International support)<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

The present Indian government has found a new bogeyman in the so-called \u2018urban naxals\u2019, and a new excuse to clamp down on worker\u2019s rights. Economic growth is sanctified, any criticism of Modi and the BJP automatically makes someone a \u2018Pakistani agent\u2019. The government\u2019s propaganda machinery went in full force, they deployed their lapdog media houses to amplify their non-sense, painting workers fighting for a pay rise as agents of a hostile country!<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Thousands of workers were mobilized in the uprising at Noida, thousands were on strike in Manesar, in neighbouring Gurgaon. Yet, there was no organized or conscious effort to link these two movements. Fights for wage raises and ending the abuse of contract workers have been waged across Northern and Western India, all across Southern India and its industrial belt.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Government and scheme workers have likewise, struck work to protest abuses and the pitiable wages the governments have paid them for the most vital services. If we observe the tactics of repression carefully, we will see that the government was on the back foot when workers were advancing. Despite the spontaneous nature of the strike, despite the apparent absence of leadership during the mobilizations, the workers put up a fight and disrupted the normal functioning of the capitalist system within the Delhi NCR region.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The militant action was enough to scare the arch reactionary BJP government in Uttar Pradesh under Yogi Adityanath into granting the workers concessions. As little as these concessions were, they were still a defeat for the Yogi Adityanath government. These efforts at pacification might bring a momentary peace to the region, it might allow the government to step up repression, but they won\u2019t bring it long lasting peace of any kind. As long as workers remain exploited, underpaid, overworked, there will be every reason to revolt.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Today, the workers of Noida need our solidarity, not just within the country but across the world. The fight is not limited to the workplaces in the North, but against a system that is geared to sucking the life out of the worker and enriching the handful of wealthy elites. A victory here can inspire struggles everywhere !<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FULL SUPPORT TO THE WORKERS OF NODIA !<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

FOR A LIVING WAGE ! A SLIDING SCALE OF WAGES !<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

END TO CONTRACTORIZATION !<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

END THE REPRESSIONS !<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

https:\/\/www.indiatoday.in\/india\/story\/noida-faridabad-workers-protest-live-updates-salary-hike-traffic-jam-violent-labour-protests-2895315-2026-04-13<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

https:\/\/www.thehindu.com\/news\/national\/uttar-pradesh\/noida-workers-protest-violent-updates-delhi-border-april-13-2026\/article70856363.ece<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

First published here<\/a> by New Wave<\/a><\/em><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

It had been only a few months back that the contract workers of Indian Oil Company had revolted in a wildcat strike. They were protesting the conditions of work for contract workers. The uprising inspired petro chemical workers in Surat where the same conditions were replicated.<\/p>\n

Now, the fire spreads from Panipat in Haryana to the streets of Noida, Uttar Pradesh. Noida is the so-called Millenium city of India, a poster child for neo-liberal growth. The militant protests of workers have made non-sense of this illusion of neo-liberal capitalist development.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":23,"featured_media":75958,"menu_order":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"litci_post_political_author":"Mazdoor Inquilab","_jetpack_memberships_contains_paid_content":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[495,2,3504],"tags":[496,6669,6668,6670,3880],"class_list":["post-75956","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-india","category-featured","category-working-class","tag-india-2","tag-indian-oil-company","tag-noida","tag-panipat","tag-strike"],"yoast_head":"\nThe worker\u2019s uprising in\u00a0Noida - International Worker's League<\/title>\n<meta name=\"description\" content=\"Worker militancy spreads in India in the face of government repression and slander.\" \/>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/litci.org\/en\/the-workers-uprising-in-noida\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"The worker\u2019s uprising in\u00a0Noida - 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