{"id":65997,"date":"2021-03-27T04:19:50","date_gmt":"2021-03-27T04:19:50","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/litci.org\/en\/?p=65997"},"modified":"2021-03-27T04:19:50","modified_gmt":"2021-03-27T04:19:50","slug":"paris-commune-150-the-economics","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/litci.org\/en\/paris-commune-150-the-economics\/","title":{"rendered":"Paris Commune 150: the Economics"},"content":{"rendered":"

Today is the 150th<\/sup>\u00a0anniversary of the beginning of the Paris Commune.\u00a0 The Commune (Council) was formed as result of what should be considered the first uprising and revolution led by the working class in history.\u00a0 This new class was the product of the industrial revolution in the capitalist mode of production that Marx and Engels first spoke of most prominently in the Manifesto of the Communist Party published in March 1848.<\/em>
\n
\nBy Michael Roberts
\nBefore the Paris Commune, revolutions in Europe and North America had been to overthrow feudal monarchs and eventually put the capitalist class into political power.\u00a0 While socialism as an idea and objective was already gaining credence among the radical intelligentsia, it was Marx and Engels who first identified the agency of revolutionary change for socialism as the working class, namely those who owned no means of production but their own labour power.
\nThe Paris Commune came into fruition as the immediate result of the Franco-Prussian war.\u00a0 That war had been launched by Louis Bonaparte, nephew of Napoleon, who had seized power in a coup in the aftermath of the defeat of the 1848 revolution.\u00a0 He autocratically ruled France for the next two decades.\u00a0 Those decades were ones of exceptional economic boom for capitalism in Europe and America.\u00a0 Economic recessions were few and far between (1859 and 1864), and relatively mild.\u00a0 Indeed, profitability rose to highs in the 1850s (up 11%), but then slid back by 4% in the 1860s.
\n\"\"<\/a>
\nSource: T Piketty,\u00a0https:\/\/www.quandl.com\/data\/PIKETTY\/TS6_2-Capital-labor-split-in-France-1820-2010<\/a>
\nFrance was transformed from a backward agricultural economy into a fast-growing industrial one.\u00a0 Bonaparte launched a series of public works and infrastructure projects designed to modernise France\u2019s cities. Paris emerged as an international centre of finance in the mid-19th century second only to London. It had a strong national bank and numerous aggressive private banks that financed projects all across Europe and the expanding French Empire. The\u00a0Banque de France<\/a>, founded in 1796, emerged as a powerful central bank.
\nUnder Bonaparte, the French government coordinated several financial institutions to fund large projects, including\u00a0Cr\u00e9dit Mobilier<\/a>\u00a0which became a powerful and dynamic funding agency for major projects in France including a transatlantic steamship line, urban\u00a0gas lighting<\/a>, a newspaper and the Paris metro system.\u00a0 France increased its rail lines by eight times and doubled its iron ore production. The population rose 10% and much more in the cities that now became urban centres of the new industrial working class. In 1855 and again in 1867 a world exhibition was staged in Paris to rival that of the previous Great Exhibition of British industrial might in 1851. And Ferdinand de Lesseps organized the construction of the Suez Canal.
\nBut Bonaparte\u2019s war policy and the project to redesign Paris using the architect Haussmann proved expensive; France\u2019s national debt increased considerably. And France\u2019s industry found herself under increased international (i.e. mainly British) competition.\u00a0 Between 1848 and 1870, the public sector deficit tripled.\u00a0 What\u00a0David Harvey has called \u2018primitive Keynesianism\u2019<\/a>\u00a0began to run out of steam.\u00a0 The government resorted to monetarising the debt, MMT-style in the hope that this would continue to stimulate investment and growth.\u00a0\u00a0Marx called this the \u201cCatholicism\u201d of the monetary base<\/a>, turning the banking system into\u00a0\u201cthe papacy of production<\/em>\u201d and embraced what Marx called the\u00a0\u201cprotestantism of faith and credit.\u201d<\/em>
\n\"\"<\/a>
\nFinancial crashes ensued as profit growth began to slide.\u00a0 Indeed, we can get an idea of the growing problems for the French capitalist boom in the movement of stock prices and equity returns.\u00a0 There was a fall in profits in the 1859 recession, and in 1864 and 1868 before the calamity of the Franco-Prussian war.
\n\"\"<\/a>
\nSource: A challenge to triumphant optimists? A blue chips index for the Paris stock exchange, 1854\u20132007, my calculations
\nAs the rate of profit fell during the 1860s, if from historically high levels, annual profits growth also declined, with significant drops in 1859 and 1864.
\n\"\"<\/a>
\nInequality of wealth and income soared just as the working class expanded in numbers dramatically.\u00a0 Social tensions began to intensify.\u00a0 You could say it was a similar situation in May 1968 after two decades of economic boom under the rule of the Gaullist presidency \u2013 except that in 1870, war intervened and became the catalyst for the rise of the Commune.
\nIt could be argued that Bonaparte, in his hubris, needed a war to divert the class struggle at home and he needed to restore France\u2019 economic hegemony in continental Europe.\u00a0 Bonaparte thought the French army was superior to Bismarck\u2019s Prussia.\u00a0 But he badly underestimated Prussian-led German economic and military power.\u00a0 The French were quickly defeated and humiliated.\u00a0 Bonaparte was captured, abdicated and fled.\u00a0 The bourgeois Republican government tried to fight on but eventually negotiated a terrible peace deal while the Prussian army laid siege to the starving populace in Paris.\u00a0 It was then that the Paris Commune \u2013 a council of workers delegates from the districts \u2013 emerged to seize political power in the interests of the populace.
\nThis post cannot possibly cover all the events and themes in the short 72 days that the working class of Paris ruled through their own democratic structures, while the bourgeois government fled to Versailles and urged the Prussians to crush the Commune.\u00a0 The Commune did not survive long.\u00a0 It remained broadly isolated within France and was eventually bloodily suppressed by the forces of the Versailles government.
\nThe best accounts of the Pars Commune are that of Communard Lissagaray, the History of the Paris Commune, translated by Eleanor Marx and published in 1876.\u00a0https:\/\/www.marxists.org\/history\/france\/archive\/lissagaray\/index.htm<\/a>, and of course the Civil War in France, Marx\u2019s own account written right after the Commune was crushed.\u00a0https:\/\/www.marxists.org\/archive\/marx\/works\/1871\/civil-war-france\/<\/a>.\u00a0 And Belgian Marxist, Eric Toussaint has given an excellent modern account of the economic machinations of the Banque de France and the Commune here.\u00a0http:\/\/www.cadtm.org\/The-Paris-Commune-of-1871-banks-and-debt
\nSo in this short post, I shall just offer a few observations on the Commune\u2019s economic policies.\u00a0 The most important was the failure to take over the financial levers of capital, in particular, the Banque de France.\u00a0 Ten years after the crushing of the Commune, Marx argued the Commune may well have survived if the Banque de France had been taken over. \u201cBesides being simply the uprising of a town under exceptional circumstances, the majority of the Commune was by no means socialist and could not be. With a little bit of common sense, however, she could have obtained from Versailles a compromise favourable to the whole mass of the people \u2013 the only objective achievable at the time.<\/em>\u201d<\/em>
\n\"\"<\/a>
\nIndeed, the biggest fear that the Versailles government had about the Commune was the loss of the Banque\u2019s funds.\u00a0\u00a0<\/em>Lissagaray notes, \u201d\u00a0All serious insurrections began by seizing the nerve of the enemy, the cash register. The Commune is the only one that refused. It remained in ecstasy before the cash of the upper bourgeoisie which it had on hand<\/em>.\u201d<\/em>
\nAnd Engels in his introduction to the re-edition of The Civil War in France in 1891:\u00a0\u201cmany things [were] neglected that, according to our conception today, the Commune should have done. The most difficult to grasp is certainly the holy respect with which one stopped in front of<\/em>\u00a0the doors of the Banque de France. It was, moreover, a serious political mistake. The Bank in the hands of the Commune was worth more than ten thousand hostages. This meant the entire French bourgeoisie putting pressure on the government of Versailles to make peace with the Commune.\u201d<\/em>
\n\"\"<\/a>Banque de France
\nWhy didn\u2019t the Commune leaders take the Bank over?\u00a0 Well, the majority of the Commune delegates were not socialist, but republican democrats.\u00a0 The socialist wing was a minority.\u00a0 And within that socialist minority, the Marxists were an even smaller minority.\u00a0 Most of the socialists were Proudhonists.\u00a0 They saw socialism coming from monetary control, namely through the use of credit.\u00a0 The man put in charge of Commune finances, Charles Beslay, a friend of Proudhon, had a blind faith in banking and finance more generally.\u00a0 He had been a member of the First International since 1866 and had a great influence in the Commune.\u00a0 Beslay had a background as a capitalist, as he had been the owner of a workshop employing 200 employees.
\n\"\"<\/a>Charles Beslay
\nThe Banque\u2019s deputy governor and monarchist De Ploeuc commented: \u201cMr Beslay is one of those men whose imagination is unbalanced and who delights in Utopia;\u00a0he dreams of reconciling all the antagonisms that are in society, the bosses and the workers, the masters and the servants.\u201d<\/em>\u00a0 Beslay confirmed his Proudhonism in action:\u00a0\u201cA bank must be seen from a double aspect; if it presents itself to us under its material side by its cash and its notes, it is also imposed by a moral side which is confidence. Take<\/em>\u00a0away the trust, and the banknote is just an assignat<\/em>.\u201d\u00a0 Beslay attacked the Marxists: \u201cThe Commune\u2019s system and mine translate into this sacred word: \u2018respect for property, until its transformation\u2019. Citizen Lissagaray\u2019s system results in this repulsive word: spoliation\u00a0\u201c<\/em>.
\nMoreover, financial mechanisms are too complicated to be understood by ordinary citizens, or even by politicians, and should therefore be reserved for specialists or even experts. \u00a0The attitude of the main Commune leader Rigault, was that \u201cquestions of business, credit, finance, banking [\u2026] needed the help of special men, who were only to be<\/em>\u00a0found in very small numbers. at the Municipality. [\u2026] Moreover, financial matters [\u2026] are not [\u2026] seen as the essential problems of the moment. In the immediate future, all that matters is that the money comes in.\u201d<\/em>
\nInstead of removing the very frightened governor of the Bank, Rouland, and taking over control of the huge funds that the bank held, Beslay allowed Rouland to stay in place and merely asked for sufficient funds to pay the National Guards defending Paris.\u00a0 Rouland kindly allowed Beslay to join the board of the bank as \u201cCommune delegate\u201d, where Beslay acted to ensure its independence from Commune control and demands.
\n\"\"<\/a>Banque de France Governor Rouland
\nInstead of wanting to take control, Beslay did everything to maintain the integrity of the Banque de France and to guarantee its independence. The result was that during the seventy-two days of its existence, the Commune received just 16.7 million francs for its needs: the 9.4 million assets that the Commune already had on account and 7.3 million loaned by the Bank. At the same time, the Banque sent the Versailles government 315 million francs from its network of 74 branches!
\nThe money that the Commune did get was generally put to good use.\u00a0 About 80% went on defence of Paris, but there was also income distributed to the poorest parts of the city.\u00a0 The Commune introduced a progressive tax system, lowering the city tax for the poorest by 50% and introducing higher business taxes.\u00a0 Landlords were force to repay that the last nine months of rents and rents were suspended.\u00a0 There was a moratorium on all debts, which could now be repaid over three years without interest.
\nBut the failure to take over the Banque was the Achilles heel of the Commune\u2019s progress.\u00a0 And the Banque board knew it. They were terrified that there would be an \u201coccupation of the Bank by the Central Committee, which can install a Government of its choice there, have banknotes produced without measure or limit and thus bring about the ruin of the establishment and of the country.\u00a0<\/em>\u201d And another industrialist board member claimed that \u201cthe Council cannot [\u2026] expose the Bank to being sacked. The evil would be irremediable and the destruction of the values of the wallet and the greenhouse of the deposits would constitute a terrible calamity, because it is a large part of the public fortune.\u201d<\/em>
\nIf the Bank had been taken over, Versailles would have been denuded of funds to defeat the Commune as it held a portfolio of extended amounts to 899 million francs, of 120 million francs in securities. deposited as security for advances and 900 million francs in securities on deposit. \u00a0Instead Beslay followed the Banque governor\u2019s instructions and allowed the Banque to send money to Versailles while the deputy governor gave the order to lower all the securities into the cellars and then to silt the access staircase.
\nTwo years after the crushing of the Commune, Beslay summed up his action in a letter to the right-wing daily\u00a0Le Figaro<\/em>, published on 13 March 1873: \u201cI went to the Bank with the intention of protecting it from any violence of the exaggerated party of the Commune, and I am convinced that I have kept in my country the establishment, which was our last financial resource<\/em>.\u201d\u00a0 The Commune was eventually crushed in May 1871 with about 20,000 Communards being killed 38,000 were arrested and more than 7,000 deported.\u00a0 Beslay was allowed to go free and moved to Switzerland.
\nSome 45 years later, after another revolution sparked by war and defeat for the ruling class, Lenin recalled this lesson of the defeat of the Paris Commune:\u00a0\u201cThe banks, as we know, are centres of modern economic life, the principal nerve centres of the whole capitalist economic system. To talk about \u201cregulating economic life\u201d and yet evade the question of the nationalisation of the banks means either betraying the most profound ignorance or deceiving the \u201ccommon people\u201d by florid words and grandiloquent promises with the deliberate intention of not fulfilling these promises.\u201d<\/em><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Today is the 150th\u00a0anniversary of the beginning of the Paris Commune.\u00a0 The Commune (Council) was formed as result of what should be considered the first uprising and revolution led by the working class in history.\u00a0 This new class was the product of the industrial revolution in the capitalist mode of production that Marx and Engels […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":65998,"menu_order":263,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"litci_post_political_author":"","_jetpack_memberships_contains_paid_content":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[3639,3505,3645],"tags":[3644],"class_list":["post-65997","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-economy","category-france","category-history","tag-pariscommune"],"yoast_head":"\nParis Commune 150: the Economics - International Worker's League<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/litci.org\/en\/paris-commune-150-the-economics\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Paris Commune 150: the Economics - 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