While the Alan Garcia’s administration delivers blow after blow against teachers and workers, he relentlessly presses for death penalty in alliance with Fujimori’s followers and the ultra right. That is how they are trying to produce cheap circus for lack of real solutions to popular demands, but what they really want is to keep away from supra national courts of justice so as to preserve the impunity for the genocide Fujimori and for himself.
It is more than obvious that the obsessive campaign for death penalty – that the Congress has already filed for the cases of terrorism and is now requested for rapists of children – is aimed a finding a pretext for abandoning the jurisdiction of the Inter American Court of Human Rights (CIDH). For political reporters and analysts this does not make sense, for the administration is expected to give encourage balancing the political environment and respect for international treaties. If that is not the case – they say – what would be the future value of such international treaties as FTA? So Alan Garcia must have a good reason to insist on such recklessness, and that reason is the acute crisis that would be generated in the administration in case there is a sentence from the CIDH is passed in the case involving Garcia and/or the vice president Luis Giampietri and former minister and former secretary general of the APRA, Augustín Mantilla – at present in jail for receiving money from Valdimiro Montesinos) in the slaughter of 120 prisoners in el Frontón in 1986.
The Inter American Court has already ruled indemnity for the families of two of the killed prisoners and ordered that “all those responsible for it” should be prosecuted and punished. The nearest forthcoming sentence would be in the case of the murder of Saul Cantoral in 1998, while he was leading a national miners’ strike. According to Caretas, “the word has transpired that the conviction would energetic and exemplifying for it is one of the first sentences passed by the Court in relation to the crimes of the paramilitary”.
“The debate hinging round the death penalty gave rise to a plot to dismantle the system of Human Rights in the country. The most reactionary voices, now on the best of terms with the administration, demand the dismantling of Human Rights in the country and are echoed by the most reactionary rightwing press” (Caretas, 25/1/07). The items where a verdict has been given on the Cantuta case and the manslaughter in the jails in 1992 seriously complicate the judicial situation of Alberto Fujimori.
Now w know what “clockwork bombs” Alan Garcia meant when he exposed Toledo before the end of his term in office. It is that Toledo had authorised the obedience of the Peruvian state regarding the CIDH for the abovementioned cases, something that meant complying with the verdicts. That is why the administration went into a tantrum and exposed Toledo constitutionally for having been obedient, that is to say, for having accepted the state liability in the cases of violation of human rights, something that obviously did nothing but to place him in the situation of some kind of a champion of democracy, in spite of his being as servile as Garcia with respect to the multinationals and as deceitful where electoral promises are concerned.
Many will wonder what Garcia is aiming at. The truth is that as days go by he seems to be more and more similar to Fujimori, the same Fujimori who – in 1992 – closed the Congress and installed a civilian-military dictatorship in the service of a neoliberal plan, against the workers and the people, crystallise in the 1993 constitutional order that is still in force. Ollanta Humala is talking about the Fujimori-sation of the Garcia regime. Garcia has reconstructed the political social alliance of the early Fujimori times (ultra right, Opus Dei, Armed Forces), even though, unlike the early Fujimori, he created an ample social support based on charity and distribution of bits and ends, and even a few public works with a part of the income from the privatisation, Garcia applies the formula of “austerity” in response to the uncountable demands of the toiling masses.
Garcia’s alliance is, therefore, very precarious and his bet on authoritarism may blow up in his face. That is so because he is trying to reproduce Fujimori’s rule of the toughest moments (1992-1995) in social condition of decadence of Fujimorism (1997-2000). In spite of the fact that he still has 57% approval, that means 11 points under august, while disapproval has climbed from 10 to 29% (poll from Apoyo 19/01/07)
This did not stop Garcia from delivering some authoritarian blows, such as the repression of the town Abacay, the aggression against the group All The Voices, the arbitrary arrest of eight communers in Chacas, an offensive against the teachers by means of a pseudo assessment. And for every occasion he recites the jingle about terrorists; but in several of the cases, the more moderate rightwing sectors have given him piece of their minds.
The re-emergence of Fujimorism (or his outlandish replica) with Alan Garcia and his tendency to act in an authoritarian way appears against a background: the democratic struggle of the year 2000 never went right to the end. Fujimorism survived crystallised in the political system and economic order through the 1003 Constitution. The questioning of this order has to come from abroad, by means of CIDH.
The complete destruction of Fujimorism has become a pending task for the workers and the toiling masses in general. Democratic struggle is indissolubly linked to the struggle for the punishment for the genocides and all those who broke the democratic liberties, for the restitution of labour achievements, for free disaffiliation from the AFP, against the privatisation-municipalisation of education as well as against the tax exemption of the mining companies, just to mention a few point from an ample workers’ and popular platform
GARCIA’S TWIN IN COLOMBIA
Also in Colombia, the right-winger Uribe administration is trying to break loose from the CIDH and for reasons that are very similar to those of Garcia for both are together in the commission of genocide and extra judicial executions. In their sentence from July 2006 the CIDH pointed out to the responsibility of the Colombian state in the development of the paramilitary strategy, and now it is all about massacres perpetrated in Ituzaingo (Antiquia) in 1996, while Uribe was the governor of that department. The Court concluded that “authorities did not adopt the necessary preventive measures in spite of the fact that they knew that there was a paramilitary incursion in Ituzaingo” and that “massacres in Ituzaingo were carried out by paramilitary groups that acted together with the armed forces of Colombia”. Garcia and Uribe compete for the despicable honour of representing the Genocide Bush in South America.